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CATTLE, COPPER, AND CACTUS: 
THE HISTORY OF SAGUARO NATIONAL MONUMENT 

Arizona 



by 

A. Berle Clemensen 

Research Historian 



Historic Resource Study 
Saguaro National Monument 



National Park Service 

Denver Service Center 

January 1987 




SAGUARO NATIONAL 
MONUMENT 



*W* COuM 

*a>/Ofa* 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



Numerous people gave of their time and aided me in researching and 
writing this report. My thanks go to Superintendent Robert Arnberger 
and his staff at Saguaro National Monument, especially Robert Hall. I 
appreciated the efforts of Marquita McCrone of the Coronado National 
Forest office in Tucson for taking the extra time to find material for me. 
In addition the people in the following agencies and institutions were very 
helpful: David Faust of Fort Lowell State Park, the Arizona Office of the 
Bureau of Land Management in Phoenix, Arizona Department of Mineral 
Resources in Phoenix, Arizona State Archives and Library in Phoenix, 
Arizona Bureau of Geology and Mineral Technology in Tucson, Arizona 
Historical Society in Tucson, University of Arizona Library Special 
Collections and Map Collection, Arizona Foundation in the Arizona State 
University Library, Western Archeology Center Library, Tucson City 
Library, Tucson Art Museum, National Archives and Library of Congress 
in Washington, D.C., Denver Regional Federal Archives and Record 
Center, Harpers Ferry Center Archives, Newberry Library, Huntington 
Library, Bancroft Library, United States Bureau of Mines in Denver, and 
the United States Geological Survey Library in Denver. I wish to thank 
Frank Williss for reading the report and am grateful to my wife, 
Margaret, for her comments. I also wish to thank Lawrence F. Van 
Horn, Diane Rhodes, and Susan J. Wells for writing the Prehistoric and 
Ethnological Overviews. Again, Joan Manson so ably prepared the 
report for publication. 



Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2012 with funding from 

LYRASIS Members and Sloan Foundation 



http://archive.org/details/historicresourceOOsagu 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Acknowledgements iii 

List of Illustrations vii 

List of Photographs viii 
Introduction 1 

Prehistoric Overview 2 

A. Introduction 2 

B. Paleoindian 10,000-8,000 B.C. 2 

C. Archaic 8,000 B.C.-A.D. 1 3 

D. Hohokam Circa A.D. 1-A.D. 1450 4 

Ethnological Overview 8 

A. Introduction 8 

B. Spanish Period 1687-1821 8 

C. Mexican Period 1821-1854 14 

D. American Period 1854- 15 

Chapter One: Conquest and Settlement 19 

A. The Spanish Period 19 

B. The Mexican Period 28 

C. The American Period 32 

Chapter Two: Livestock Grazing and the Southern Arizona Environment 59 

A. The Introduction and Proliferation of Livestock in 
Southern Arizona 59 

B. National Forests and United States Forest Service Grazing Policy 63 

C. Grazing Within and Around Saguaro National Monument 67 

D. The Ecology of Southern Arizona Grassland and the 
"Old Cow Theory" 79 

Chapter Three: In Pursuit of Valuable Ore 85 

A. A Summary of Arizona Mining 85 

B. The Amole Mining District 88 

C. The Rincon Mining District 110 

D. Lime Kilns 111 

Chapter Four: The Establishment of Saguaro National Monument 

and Its Administration 115 

A. Saguaro Becomes a National Monument 115 

B. The Saguaro Boundary Dispute 120 

C. The Tucson Mountain Unit 140 

D. Monument Development 143 

E. The Civilian Conservation Corps 148 

1. Tucson Mountain Unit 149 

2. The Rincon Mountain Unit 153 



v 



F. Forest Fire Policy 155 

G. The Park Service Approach to Grazing 161 
H. Presumed Death of the Saguaro 164 

I. Second World War Period Aircraft Crashes 170 

J. Dude Ranches 171 

Chapter Five: A History of Manning Cabin 175 

Chapter Six: Description and Evaluation of Historical Resources 209 

A. Mining in the Tucson Mountain Unit 209 

B. Mining the Rincon Mountain Unit 211 

C. Lime Manufacturing on Both Saguaro National Monument Units 216 

D. The Civilian Conservation Corps 217 

1 . Tucson Mountain Unit 222 

2. Rincon Mountain Unit 225 

E. Manning Cabin 244 

F. Spud Rock Cabin Site 244 

G. Freeman Homestead 245 

H. Chimenea Canyon Chimney 246 

I. Second World War Military Airplane Crashes 246 

J. Military Heliograph Activity 246 

K. Livestock Grazing, Woodcutting, Cactus Removal, and 

Unrestrained Horseback Riding as Related to Ecological 

Destructiveness 247 

L. Archeological Resources 247 

Appendix A: Proclamation 2031, Establishing Saguaro National Monument 249 

Appendix B: Grazing Allotment Owners 251 

Appendix C: Patented Claims in the Amole Mining District 252 

Bibliography 253 



VI 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS 



Figure 1: Portion of Hurbert Eugene Bolton's "Map of Pimeria Alta 
1687-1711" 23 

Figure 2: Portion of "Kaart van het Westelyk Gedeelte van Nieuw Mexico 
en van California," 1765 27 

Figure 3: Portion of "A New Map of Mexico, California 
& Oregon," 1850 31 

Figure 4: Portion of "Map of Routes for a Pacific Railroad," 1855 35 

Figure 5: Portion of "Map of Southern Arizona," 1868 39 

Figure 6: Map Drawn May 14, 1883 to Show Squatters on Fort Lowell 
Military Reservation 41 

Figure 7: Portion of "Official Map of Pima County, Arizona, 1893" by 
George Roskruge 45 

Figure 8: Portion of a Map Showing Proposed Heliograph Lines and 
Stations to be Operated During the Field Exercises of May 
1-15, 1890 53 

Figure 9: Portion of a Map Showing the Heliograph Lines and Stations 
in Arizona and New Mexico Operated During Field Exercises 
May 1-15, 1890 55 

Figure 10: Grazing Allotments in Saguaro National Monument 1935 70 

Figure 11: Map Showing the Principal Mining Claims in the 
Amole District 91 

Figure 12: Monument Inholders 1934 123 

Figure 13: Original Floor Plan of Manning Cabin as Described by Howell 
Manning 177 

Figure 14: Present-day Manning Cabin Floor Plan 194 



VII 



LIST OF PHOTOGRAPHS 



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Manning Cabin ca. 1906 179 

Manning Cabin 1906 181 

Manning Cabin ca. 1906-07 183 

Manning Cabin ca. 1906-07 185 

Manning Cabin ca. 1906-07 187 

Manning Cabin ca. 1909-10 189 

Manning Cabin ca. 1912-14 191 

Manning Cabin May 1986 199 

Manning Cabin "Dog Run" (Walkway) August 1966 199 

Manning Cabin "Dog Run" (Walkway) August 1966 201 

Manning Cabin "Dog Run" (Walkway) August 1966 203 

Manning Cabin May 1986 205 

Manning Cabin May 1986 205 

Manning Cabin May 1986 207 

Manning Cabin May 1986 207 

Gould Mine Shaft May 1986 213 

Gould Mine Powder House May 1986 213 

Mile Wide Mine Upper Shaft May 1986 215 

Mile Wide Mine Tailings May 1986 215 

North Lime Kiln, Rincon Unit May 1986 219 

South Lime Kiln, Rincon Unit May 1986 219 

Lime Kiln near Sus Picnic Ground, 

Tucson Mountain Unit May 1986 221 

Remains of Camp Pima May 1986 227 

Remains of Camp Pima May 1986 229 

Adobe Wall Remains at Camp Pima May 1986 229 

Ez-Kim-ln-Zin Picnic Ramada May 1986 231 

Ez-Kim-ln-Zin Bathroom May 1986 231 

Signal Hill Picnic Ramada May 1986 233 

Signal Hill Picnic Table and Fireplace May 1986 233 

Signal Hill Enclosed Picnic Facility May 1986 235 

Signal Hill Bathroom May 1986 235 

Mam-A-Gah Picnic Ramada May 1986 237 

Mam-A-Gah Picnic Tables May 1986 237 

Mam-A-Gah Fireplace May 1986 239 

Mam-A-Gah Bathroom May 1986 239 

Cam-Boh Ramada May 1986 241 

Cam-Boh Bathroom May 1986 241 

Sus Picnic Ramada May 1986 243 

CCC Stone Masonry Dam near Sus Picnic Area May 1986 243 



VIII 



INTRODUCTION 



Saguaro National Monument consists of two parts. The Rincon Mountain 
Unit east of Tucson formed the original segment proclaimed by President 
Herbert Hoover on May 1, 1933, while the Tucson Mountain Unit west of 
that city was added by proclamation of President John Kennedy on 
November 15, 1961. Named for the giant cactus of the area, the two 
units comprise an area of 83,573.88 acres (Rincon Unit--62,835.88 and 
Tucson Unit--20,738). Most of the acreage was designated as a 
wilderness area on October 20, 1976. 

Climatically, the two units differ although both are semi-arid. The 
Rincon Mountain Unit, with a height to approximately 8,600 feet, has a 
much more developed watershed. Under normal conditions water is more 
plentiful in that area for winter snow provides spring and early summer 
moisture, while the monsoons of July and August allow water to flow into 
September. Historically, this situation attracted settlers to the area for 
agricultural purposes. At the same time the altitude of the Tucson 
Mountains, which rise to approximately 4,700 feet, provided an inadequate 
watershed and thus discouraged settlement until much later. As a result, 
prospecting and mining played a prominent role there. 

The Sonoran Desert vegetation of each monument segment contains 
differences. In the Rincon Mountain Unit three life zones are apparent. 
The lower elevation between 2,500 and 4,000 feet contains many varieties 
of cacti as well as mesquite and palo verde. A transition to semi-desert 
plants begins around 4,000 feet with scrub oak, yucca, and agave 
featured. By 7,500 feet the mountains are covered with Arizona yellow 
pine and ponderosa pine. In contrast the Tucson Mountain Unit contains 
basically one life zone consisting mainly of cacti, mesquite, palo verde, 
and ironwood. Some yucca plants are present in the upper parts. Thus, 
some of the finest areas of Sonoran Desert plant life have been preserved 
for all the nation to enjoy. 



PREHISTORICAL OVERVIEW 



A. Introduction 

This brief overview traces the origins, settlement, subsistence 
patterns and salient features of prehistoric humankind in the vicinity of 
Saguaro National Monument, Arizona. The first section covers the period 
from the earliest known human presence until the time of European 
contact. 

B. Paleoindian 10,000-8000 B.C. 

It is generally accepted that the New World was first populated at 

least 12,000 to 15,000 years ago by prehistoric hunters from Asia who had 

gradually, over millennia, moved across Beringia, the land bridge that 

joined Siberia and Alaska during the last or Wisconsin period of 

glaciation. By about 9500 B.C., Paleoindian groups were present in the 

Southwest and in the Tucson Basin, hunting Pleistocene megafauna and 

gathering wild foods. While these early hunters utilized sophisticated 

hunting tools and a diversity of stone items for butchering game, and for 

processing hides and a variety of hunted and gathered subsistence items, 

1 
their highly mobile lifestyle left only a few traces on the landscape. 

Isolated occurrences of the leaf-shaped, bifacially flaked, fluted spear 

points known as Clovis points (named for the type site in New Mexico), 



1. E. James Dixon, "The Origins of the First Americans," Archaeology 
38 (March/April 1985), 26; Thomas Y. Canby, "The Search for the First 
Americans," National Geographic 156(September 1979), 351; Carl Waldman, 
Atlas of the North American Indian (New York: Facts on File 
Publications, 1985), 1; Bruce B. Huckell, "The Pale-Indian and Archaic 
Occupation of the Tucson Basin: An Overview," The Kiva 49 
(Spring-Summer 1984), 134; Kay Simpson and Susan J. Wells, 
"Archeologica! Survey in the Eastern Tucson Basin, Volume 3: Saguaro 
National Monument, Rincon Mountain Unit, Tanque Verde Ridge, Rincon 
Creek, Mica Mountain Areas" (Tucson, Arizona: National Park Service, 
Western Archeological and Conservation Center, Publications in 
Anthropology No. 22, 1984), 83. 



have been found in the Tucson Basin area and within the boundaries of 

2 
the Rincon Mountain unit of Saguaro National Monument. 



Around 8000 B.C., warmer, drier environmental conditions in the 

Southwest led to major changes in flora, which in turn contributed to the 

extinction of Pleistocene megafauna. Archaic period groups who followed 

the Paleoindians in time in the western Southwest came to depend upon 

modern species of game and wild plant foods. The shift from migratory 

megafauna to smaller game, along with the intensive use of wild plant 

foods, marks the end of the Paleoindian period and the beginning of the 

3 
Archaic period, circa 8000 B.C. 

C. Archaic 8000 B.C.-A.D.1 

Tool assemblages of Archaic period groups were characterized by 
projectile points for hunting, ground stone milling implements, basketry, 
and simple stone chopping, scraping and cutting tools. The emphasis of 

this tool kit seems to have been on both hunting and gathering and 

4 
processing of wild foodstuffs. 

As populations increased during the Archaic, settlements became 
larger and more permanent in nature, and were highly dependent upon 
the local availability of water and subsistence items. Archaic sites in the 
Tucson Basin include large base camps, and small specialized activity 
areas and quarries. Isolated finds of distinctive projectile points, 
percussion flaked tools, basin metates, and handstones also provide 
evidence of Archaic occupations, and suggest diversified usage of the 



2. Robert H. Lister and Florence C. Lister, Those Who Came Before 
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1983), 16; Linda A. Cordell, 
Prehistory of the Southwest (New York: Academic Press, 1984), 130. 

3. Cordell, Prehistory of the Southwest , 123, 142; Lister and Lister, 
Those Who Came Before , 16; Simpson and Wells, "Archeological Survey in 
the Eastern Tucson Basin," 3: 85. 

4. Lister and Lister, Those Who Came Before, 17. 



area's scattered resources. Archaic sites within the national monument are 
clustered along the major drainage systems of the Rincon Mountain Unit. 



About 1500 B.C., the introduction and adoption of corn or maize, a 
cultigen that evolved from wild teosinte in the area that is now Mexico, is 
no doubt the most significant event of the Archaic period. The corn, 
however, was treated as a minor part of Archaic subsistence and was only 
harvested in low yields. It took the intensive agricultural practices of 
the Hohokam in the next time period for corn to flourish. 

D. Hohokam Circa A.D.1-A.D. 1450 

As early as 300 B.C. groups now known as the Hohokam were living 
in the Gila and Salt River Valleys, and by A.D. 100 they were present in 
the Tucson Basin, along the Santa Cruz River. (The name Hohokam is 
Piman for the ancients -- those who have vanished and perished . ) The 
Hohokam in this area appear to have developed from local Archaic groups. 
In the Tucson Basin, remains in the form of chipped, grinding stones, 
cooking hearths, pithouses and storage pits constitute some of the 
evidence suggesting cultural continuity rather than a hiatus between the 
preagricultural foraging of the Late Archaic period and the ceramic period 
of the Hohokam. 



5. Huckell, "The Paleo-lndian and Archaic Occupation of the Tucson 
Basin," 138; Kay Simpson and Susan J. Wells, "Archeological Survey in 
the Eastern Tucson Basin: Saguaro National Monument, Rincon Mountain 
Unit, Cactus Forest Area" (Tucson, Arizona: National Park Service, 
Western Archeological and Conservation Center, Publications in 
Anthropology No. 22, 1983), 1:48-49, 51; Kay Simpson and Susan J. 
Wells, "Archeological Survey in the Eastern Tucson Basin: Saguaro 
National Monument, Rincon Mountain Unit, Cactus Forest Unit" (Tucson, 
Arizona: National Park Service, Western Archeological and Conservation 
Center, Publications in Anthropology No. 22, 1983), 2:263; V.K. Pheriba 
Stacy and Julian Hayden, "Saguaro National Monument: An Archeological 
Overview" (Tucson: National Park Service, Arizona Archeological Center, 
1975), 10. 

6. Lister and Lister, Those Who Came Before , 18; Cordell, Prehistory 
of the Southwest, 153. 



The Hohokam appear to have been influenced by people or ideas from 
Mexico, perhaps accounting for the development of maize agriculture, 
canal irrigation, and pottery--not to mention ball courts and platform 
mounds. The early Hohokam settlement pattern consisted of clusters of 
houses within communities known as rancherias--fixed agricultural 

settlements in which the houses were scattered as much as a half mile 

. 7 
apart. 



In the main, the Hohokam trait complex consisted of "a sedentary 
lifestyle, a dependence on agriculture, and a unique ceremonial and 

o 

trading system." The Hohokam raised corn, beans, squash, and 

cotton--the seeds of the latter for food and the fiber for yarn. In the 
Tucson area, there was widespread dependence on dry farming 
techniques. This dry farming involved the control of rain water with 
features such as rock terraces or checkdams to make the most of the 
limited rainfall. 



The Hohokam made quite an array of pottery and human effigies; the 
distinctive pottery featured geometric designs, scroll work, and animal 
designs. They built semisubterranean houses of wattle and daub with 
adjacent ramades, maintained shallow pits for obtaining pottery clay, and 
constructed platform mounds for ceremonial purposes. The Hohokam in 
the Tucson Basin traded with related groups in the Gila and Salt River 
valleys. The Hohokam served as major shell traders, and apparently 
undertook expeditions to the Gulf of California to acquire the seashells. 



7. David E. Doyel, "From Foraging To Farming: An Overview of the 
Preclassic in the Tucson Basin," The Kiva 49(Spring-Summer 1984), 
148-152, Emil W. Haury, The Hohokam : Desert Farmers and 
Craftsmen -- Excavations At Snaketown , 1964-1965 (Tucson: University of 
Arizona Press, 1976) 5, 338; Cordell, Prehistory of the Southwest , 113; 
Alfred L. Kroeber, A Roster of Civilizations and Culture (Chicago: 
Aldine Publishing Company, 1962), 68; George J. Gumerman and Emil W. 
Haury, "Prehistory: Hohokam," in Handbook of North American Indians , 
Volume 9: Southwest , edited by Alfonso Ortiz and William C. Sturtevant 
(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1979), 77. 

8. Linda M. Gregonis and Karl J. Reinhard, The Hohokam Indians of 
the Tucson Basin (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1979), 4. 



One of the technical achievements unique to the Hohokam was the 

decorative acid etching of shells using sour fruit juice from the saguaro 

cactus. Shell jewelry, clay censors for burning incense, mirrors of iron 

pyrites, effigy figurines, and decorated pottery all point to a culture rich 

in creative ideas. In contrast to other southwestern groups who 

9 
practiced inhumation, the Hohokam cremted the dead. 

Hohokam populations had spread throughout the Basin by A.D. 700, 
including along eastern tributaries into the areas at the base of the 
Rincon and Santa Catalina Mountains. Large and small Hohokam 
agricultural villages can be found in what is now the eastern or Rincon 
Mountain Unit of Saguaro National Monument. Floodplain farming was 
practiced along with dry farming techniques. The rocky areas adjacent 
to the Tucson Mountains, where the Tucson Mountain Unit of the national 
monument is located, are not conducive to agriculture and apparently for 
this reason the Hohokam established no large permanent settlements there. 
However, both temporary campsites and rock art sites have been found. 

These temporary camps may be associated with the picking of saguaro 

10 
fruit, which ripens in June and early July. 

Within the area of the national monument's Rincon Mountain Unit, the 
primary occupation period of the Hohokam extended from A.D. 700 to 
1300. The course of Hohokam development in the eastern Tucson Basin 
from A.D. 1100 saw a growing association with Mogollon groups to the 
north and east that resulted in adoption of some Mogollon traits such as 
corrugated pottery. By A.D. 1250 Hohokam villagers had begun building 
adobe-walled houses. A century or so later, relatively large communities 

with aboveground apartment-like dwellings were common. Yet by A.D. 

1 1 
1450, "the Hohokam culture as a whole had disappeared." The collapse 



9. Haury, The Hohokam , 224, 250-251, 289, 318; Gregonis and 
Reinhard, The Hohokam Indians , 8-9, 15-27. 

10. Doyel, "From Foraging to Farming," 151; Simpson and Wells, 
"Archeological Survey," 1:52; Stacy and Hayden, "Saguaro National 
Monument," 24. 

11. Kroeber, A Roster of Civilizations, 69. 



of the Hohokam culture could have been the result of soil deterioration 
and salt concentration caused by irrigation or, perhaps, a hostile group 
invaded the Hohokam region. We just do not know. 

By A.D. 1500, scattered villages with a lot of space between 
households, similar to the earlier Hohokam rancheria settlement pattern, 
reappear. The inhabitants of these villages, known today as the Tohono 

O'odham (Papago) peoples, were encountered in the seventeenth century 

12 
by the Spanish upon entering the Tucson Basin. Although connections 

between the modern Indians and the Hohokam is often assumed, there is 

13 

no proof at this time. 



12. Gregonis and Reinhard, The Hohokam Indians , 4; Haury, The 
Hohokam , 355; Julian D. Hayden, "Of Hohokam Origins and Other 
Matters," American Antiquity 35(January 1970), 91; Bertha P. Dutton, 
American Indians of the Southwest (Albuquerque: University of New 
Mexico Press, 1983), 213; Bernard L. Fontana, "History of the Papago," 
in Handbook of North American Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest , edited 
by Alfonso Ortiz and William C. Sturtevant (Washington, D.C.: 
Smithsonian Institution, 1983), 137. 

13. Fontana, "History of the Papago," 137. 



ETHNOLOGICAL OVERVIEW 



A . Introduction 

This section covers the history of Native American groups occupying 
the area in the vicinity of Saguaro National Monument from European 
contact to the present. The discussion also provides a brief look at the 
specialized cultural adaptation of these groups to the unique and 
sometimes inhospitable environment of the Tucson Basin. 

B. Spanish Period,- 1687-1821 

The first documented European contact with indigenous groups 
occurred in the late 1600s when Jesuits penetrated into what is now 
southern Arizona, establishing missions along the rivers. The Spanish 
called the native peoples in this area the "Pimas Altos," literally the 
Upper Pima Indians, "to distinguish them from their linguistic bretheren, 
the . . . Lower Pima . . . who lived far to the south in lower Sonora." 
Apparently recognizing some cultural differences among these Upper Pima 
peoples, the Spanish coined names for local groups. Although the 
various terms were often used in an inconsistent manner, and terminology 
changed through time, the name "Papago" was generally reserved for 
farmers who lived away from the rivers. Groups living in the San Pedro 
and Santa Cruz River valleys came to be known as the "Sobaipuris, " 
while the lands northwest of the study area, along the Salt and Gila 
Rivers, were occupied by the Pima. 

When Padre Eusebio Kino and his fellow missionaries visited the 
Tucson Basin in 1694, the Santa Cruz River valley was controlled by the 
Sobaipuri. West of the Santa Cruz River, the desert lands were 
generally occupied by the Papago. Over the next century, these groups 



1. Bernard L. Fontana, "Pima and Papago: Introduction," in Handbook 
of North American Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest , edited by Alfonso 
Ortiz and William C. Sturtevant (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institution, 1983), 125. 



were heavily impacted by the newly-arrived Europeans. Spanish priests 
and soldiers established several presidios and more than two dozen 
missions and visitas in southern Arizona and northern Sonora, most 
concentrated in the irrigated river valleys. Following the 1736 silver 
strike near present-day Nogales, Sonora, Spanish prospectors ranged 
through the area. Along the eastern limits of Piman territory, various 
Apache groups continued to raid and harass the Sobaipuri and other 
Pima-speaking groups who for their own physical and economic survival 
became increasingly allied with the Spanish. Following three-quarters of 



a century of Spanish missionization and Apache depredations, the eastern 

2 
Sobaipuri were resettled at Tucson. About 1770, some of the Sobaipuri 

refugees left to join the Piman groups living along the Gila River; the 

rest were absorbed by local Papagos, and 

were no longer named as an ethnic enclave. 



rest were absorbed by local Papagos, and "after that time the Sobaipuris 

„3 



The Sobaipuris had been the "most permanently fixed" of the various 
4 
Piman groups. Their villages were situated along streams where floral 

and faunal resources, including freshwater fish, were concentrated. The 

rich alluvial soils of the river floodplains were well suited to agriculture, 

and both canal irrigation and floodwater farming were far more reliable 

than dry farming. At Bac (near present-day Tucson), the Sobaipuri 

were practicing canal irrigation when the Spanish arrived. Adding wheat 

to their repertory of foodstuffs further expanded their dependence upon 

the riverine environment. 

The Papago or Tohono O'odham (desert people) developed a different 
adaptation to life in the Sonoran Desert. When first encountered by the 



2. Paul H. Ezell, "History of the Pima," in Handbook of North American 
Indians , Volume 10: Southwest , edited by Alfonso Ortiz and William C. 
Sturtevant (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983), 149. The 
Sobaipuris had become a buffer between the Spanish and the Apache, 
eventually resulting in abandonment of lands formerly in the control of 
the Piman groups. Fontana, "History of the Papago," 137. 

3. Ezell, "History of the Pima," 149. 

4. Fontana, "Pima and Papago: Introduction," 133. 



Spanish, the Tohono settlements were scattered over about 24,000 square 
miles. Tohono dwellings were round buildings with a dry earth roof and 
brush walls. Some of the habitation clusters were "hardly more than 
camps. Others were tiny villages occupied only seasonally, and still 
others [closer to a riverine environment] were large and permanent." 
Siting was based primarily on the presence of water. Traditionally the 
Tohono O'odham had a "back and forth" or "two village" life style with a 
winter home in the hills near the springs, a summer home in the fields, 



and a mid-summer cactus camp, established in areas where the Saguaro 

c. 
cacti were concentrated. This semi-annual shifting settlement pattern 

allowed the Tohono to "take advantage of ephemeral water supplies and of 

seasonally maturing wild plant foods." 

The mixed Tohono O'odham economy included agriculture as well as 
hunting and gathering. They gathered from the vast "cornucopia of wild 

o 

plants." A typical list of wild plant foods includes the following: 



seeds, buds, fruits and joints of various cacti, seeds of the 
mesquite, ironwood, palo verde, amaranth, saltbush, 
lambsquarter, mustard, horsebean and squash; acorns and 
other wild nuts, screwbean, the greens of lambsquarter, 
saltbush, canaigre, amaranth and pigweed, boxthorn and other 
berries; roots and bulbs of the sandropf (wild potato), covenas 
and others; and the yucca fruit. . . . 



5. Bernard L. Fontana, "The Papagos," Arizona Highways , 59 (April 
1983), 40. 

6. Donald M. Bahr, "Pima and Papago Social Organization," in Handbook 
of North American Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest , edited by Alfonso 
Oritz and William C. Sturtevant (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institution, 1983), 178. 

7. Stacy and Hayden, "Saguaro National Monument" 8. 

8. Ibid ., 37. 

9. Albyn K. Mark, "Description of Variables Relating to Ecological 
Change in the History of the Papago Indian Population (Tucson, Arizona: 
M.A. Thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Arizona, 1961), 
46, quoted in Robert A. Hackenberg, "Pima and Papago Ecological 
Adaptations" in Handbook of North American Indians , Volume 10 : 
Southwest edited by Alfonso Ortiz and William C. Sturtevant (Washington, 
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983), 163. 



10 



Protein was supplied by a wide variety of animal foods. The Tohono 
O'odham hunted 



deer, antelope, mountain sheep and goats, peccary, muskrats, 
bears, rabbits, quail, dove, mockingbird, wild ducks, geese, 
bittern, heron, snipe, wild turkey, rats, terrapin, lizards, 
grasshoppers^ moth larvae, locusts, iguanas, snakes, toads, 
and beaver. 

This area has an annual rainfall of about 10 to 11 inches which 
comes in the form of summer and winter storms. Often springs found in 
the hills provided the only source of a permanent water supply. Yet the 

farming skill of the Tohono O'odham was "very effective and was the envy 

11 
of ordinary dry farmers." As an example, they put brush dams at the 

"mouths of arroyos where these natural ditches emptied their harvests of 

12 
mountainside rainfall. . . ." These water-harvesting techniques 

diverted the floodwaters onto the valley fields where the Tohono O'odham 

cultivated tepary beans (a native drought-resistent legume), and their 

13 
fall harvest of corn, and squash. They also planted crops in the 

washes, taking advantages of the moisture contained in these areas. 



In addition to diversified exploitation of both wild and cultivated 
foods, the Tohonos regularly exchanged foodstuffs and/or labor with the 
Pima. The diversity between their two regions led to the exchange of 
Pima cultivated corn, beans, and squash for Papago wild foods. In 
particularly dry years, the Tohonos would exchange farm labor for food, 
earning a share of the crop for their efforts. 



10. Ibid . 

11. Frank S. Crosswhite, "The Annual Saguaro Harvest and Crop Cycle 
of the Papago, with Reference to Ecology and Symbolism." Desert Plants 
2 (Spring 1980), 5. 

12. Ibid . , 40. 

13. Fontana, "The Papagos," 40. 



11 



The Tohono material culture included fire-hardened digging sticks 
and other wooden tools and baskets for agriculture. They used the bow 
and arrow with stone projectile points. Net-and-pole packframes, called 

kihau or giho were used to bring wild food plants and firewood back to 

14 
the village as well as to carry water jars back from mountain springs. 

The kuibit or harvest pole for the Saguaro fruit was made by splicing 

together long ribs of the skeleton of a Saguaro or other long lightweight 

15 
pieces of wood such as Phragmites communis . 



Water jars were made of coarse clay to permit the water to be cooled 
by evaporation. A variety of geometric designs were used to decorate 
the more elaborate pottery. However, the real Tohono O'odham art form 
was basketry. Examples of their highly functional and highly aesthetic 
work include the watertight basket-jars and basket-bowls of several 
shapes and designs. The geometric designs were made possible by using 
contrasting light and dark colors of willow and Devil's Claw fibers, 
respectively. 

There was no central government or centralized authority for the 
Sobaiburi and Papago. Rather, village units, each consisting of several 
related villages, were autonomous and were governed by a chief and 
council of all adult males. Leadership depended upon persuasion and 
concensus. Gender roles were clearly delineated, and specific tasks were 
associated with men and women. In carrying out their roles, these 
groups regarded industriousness as a highly desirable personal character 
trait. 



14. Bahr, "Pima and Papago," 188. 

15. Crosswhite, "The Annual Saguaro Harvest" 20-21. 

16. Henry F. Dobyns, The Papago People (Phoenix, Arizona: Indian 
Tribal Series, 1972), 1,6. 

17. Bahr, "Pima and Papago," 184. 



12 



In Papago and Pima belief, certain songs had the power to ensure 
rain when performed in proper ritual appeals to such supernatural beings 
as Earthmaker and Elder Brother or I'ltoli . Individuals who had just 
killed an enemy or had just given birth were in spiritual danger and had 
to be purified by the performance of specific rituals. The religious 
specialists among the Papago and Pima were shamans who were well versed 
in the various rituals of purification, of influence over the weather, of 
promoting success in warfare, and of healing and curing. A shaman was 

though to possess personalized supernatural power from particular spirits 

1 8 
through visions, trances, and dreams. 

The first major change the indigenous groups encountered was the 
presence of European epidemic diseases that physically threatened the 
population. The diseases probably reached them through fleeing Indian 
refugees before actual contact with the Spanish. "The Spaniards met in 

1694 a society reeling under the onslaughts of repeated epidemics over a 

19 
period of approximately 170 years." 

Not only did the Europeans introduce new diseases; they brought 
new forms of religion, dress, speech, and sources of food and economy, 
contributing to many changes in the indigenous cultures. Spanish 
attempts to pacify the Apache through a combination of force and material 
enticements resulted in increasing numbers of Apache settling near the 
Tucson presidio, adding to the pressure for cultural change on the 
Tohono O'odham. Diminished rainfall in the eighteenth century 
contributed to movement of the Tohono closer to the mission stations. 
Domesticated animals and a wide variety of cultivated products began to 
replace items formerly hunted or gathered by the Tohono. For example, 
new items introduced to the O'odham included 



18. Ruth M. Underhill, The Papago Indians of Arizona and Their 
Relatives , The Pima (Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1941), 
49. 

19. Ezell, "History of the Pima," 150. 



13 



"cattle, horses, sheep, goats, pigs, chickens, wheat [which 
could be grown in winter] European beans, chick peas, lentils, 
quinces, oranges, apricots, peaches, and pecans; cabbage, 
lettuce, onions, jaarlic, and leeks, and for a touch of color, 
roses and lilies." 

New agricultural tools and technology supplanted traditional items 
and methods. The Spanish introduced the plow and, possibly, in some 
areas ditch irrigation. Inroads were made into traditional religious 
practices and social organization; and there was an increasing awareness 

among the Tohono O'odham "that one could sell one's labor for money 

21 
. . . [and] use money to buy . . . new necessities." 

C. Mexican Period, 1821-1854 

By this time the Jesuits in southern Arizona had been replaced by 
the Franciscans who continued to work among the native groups until 
about 1840 when their roles were increasingly assumed by the secular 

clergy. Roman Catholicism did not replace the native religions but was 

22 
instead melded into the aboriginal belief system. The Tohono O'odham 

were located far enough from the major centers of Mexican government to 

escape much of the political and religious machinations of the era. 

However, the period was marked by an increase in Mexican migration, 

"farmers, ranchers, and miners moved in growing numbers into Papago 

country . . taking up Papago lands and water holes with utter 

23 
disregard for Papago rights." The river systems contained the best of 

the Indian lands, but they were also the "best lands for farmers and 

cattlemen, they were the highways through the desert," funneling 

24 
newcomers into the area. Well over a century would pass before 

Tohono O'odham land claims were recognized and compensation paid. 



20. Fontana, "The Papagos," 42. 

21. Ibid . 

22. Fontana, "History of the Papago," 138 

23. Ibid . , 139. 

24. Ibid. 



14 



D. American Period, 1854 - 

It was in this period that the earliest recorded Native American use 
of Saguaro National Monument occurred by Papago (Tohono O'odham) 
Indians from San Xavier del Bac. In the mid-nineteenth century they 
gathered cactus fruit from the western slope of the Tucson mountains, 

and they may also have used the Santa Catalina and Rincon areas for 

25 
gathering. In 1857 the first Indian Agent for this area began an active 

food distribution program, finding it inconceivable that the "Papagos 

could survive on a diet of mescal [agaves] tunies [prickly pear cactus 

op. 
fruit] and acorns." 

In 1874 an area was finally set aside for the Tohono O'odham; and 
executive order provided for a reservation at San Xavier del Bac, near 
Tucson, about 6 miles from the west unit of Saguaro National Monument. 
The Roman Catholic Church continued to work with both the religious and 
educational needs of the Indian community, and, for a short period, 
Presbyterian missionaries were also involved in programs at Tucson. 

In the late 1800s and early 1900s, construction of day schools, 
industrial training schools and boarding schools contributed to the 
continuing changes in the Papago culture. Tohono children were removed 
from familiar cultural settings and sent away from their families to school 
where they often became involved in a variety of training programs. For 

many of the children, it was the first time in their lives they had come 

27 
"into prolonged and close contact with non-Indians. ..." 

Increasingly Tohono O'odham men had left their subsistence activities 
for employment in the silver, copper, and gold mines, on non-Indian 
ranches, for various Government agencies, and in local construction 
projects. During the late 1870s, a small group of Papago moved into the 



25. Stacy and Hayden, "Saguaro National Monument" 4. 

26. Fontana, "The Papagoes," 37. 

27. Ibid. , 143. 



15 



area that is now part of the Rincon Unit of Saguaro National monument, 
and some of the group's members were employed on nearby ranches. By 

the mid-1880s these squatters had been evicted and sent to an Indian 

PR 
Reservation some distance away. Around 1910, a half dozen or so 

Tohono O'odham families again, for a short time, became residents of the 

Rincon unit area. The men were employed as cowboys on nearby cattle 

ranches, and these families continued to exploit some of the wild 

29 
resources of the area, including the use of the Saguaro cactus. Over 

the years the Tohono have continued to utilize local natural resources. 

An early resident noted the "Papago Indians carrying rock material, 

30 
possibly hematite, out of this area in the 1920s." Another long-time 

local resident, James Converse, reported that the Papago once used some 

of the area now within the monument for firewood cutting and for 

31 
collection of clay from a deposit along Cottonwood Wash. 



By the third quarter of the twentieth century, the Tohono O'odham 

had "become irreversibly tied to non- Indian cash economy for their 

32 
livelihood." Cattle raising provided an important part of the income, 

along with earnings from government jobs, copper leases, wood, farm 

produce and cotton, and crafts such as pottery and baskets. 



28. O.N. Benjamin, Assistant Adjutant General to Commanding General, 
Department of Arizona, December 8, 1883, Box 14, Division K, Abandoned 
Military Reservation File, Arizona, Fort Lowell, Record Group 49, Records 
of the Bureau of Land Management, National Archives, Washington, D.C. 

29. In the 1920s other Tohono O'odham came from San Xavier Mission to 
participate in the Saguaro fruit harvests in the Rincon Unit of SAGU. 

30. Stacy and Hayden, "Saguaro National Monument," 26. 

31. Converse first came to the area in 1928 and lived on a ranch there 
until 1955. Simpson and Wells, "Archeological Survey in the Eastern 
Tucson Basin: Saguaro National Monument, Rincon Mountain Unit Cactus 
Forest Area," 1:60. 

32. Fontana, "History of the Papago," 145. 



16 



Tohono O'odham groups still use the monument on a limited basis for 
subsistence activities. Today Saguaro harvesting is carried on in the 
Tucson Mountain unit by present-day Tohono O'odham Indians under a 
special use permit. In the past, the Saguaro cactus has contributed 
heavily to the subsistence base of indigenous groups, providing at least 
twelve kinds of foodstuffs, housing materials and many other items. Its 
lasting significance to the O'odham culture is represented in various 

ways. As an example, modern basketry designs depict the annual 

33 
Saguaro harvest. The annual Tohono O'odham calendar began with 

ripening of the Saguaro fruit, and the plant itself was revered and 

protected. Ceremonially, the Tohono O'odham "called upon the 

supernatural, through intermediacy of Saguaro wine communion, to ask 

34 
for rain for their agricultural fields." Speeches related to the wine 

rituals "seem to comprise an epic cycle dealing with natural history of the 

35 
Saguaro and history of the Papago." Mesquite and the Saguaro cactus 

provided a critical food source during the summer months when cultigens 

had been planted but were not yet ready for the fall harvest. 



Over the centuries, humankind's adaptation to this harsh and fragile 
land has common roots in fluid settlement patterns, specialized 
water-harvest, and shrewd exploitation of the area's scattered and 
diverse resources. Utilization of the Saguaro cactus provides a common 
thread uniting twentieth century Tohono O'odham groups with earlier 
peoples who also relied upon this humble desert plant for a variety of 
subsistence needs. 



33. Frank S. Crosswhite, "The Annual Saguaro Harvest and Crop Cycle 
of the Papago, with Reference to Ecology and Symbolism," Desert Plants 
(Spring 1980), 3. 

34. Ibid . , 4. 

35. Ibid. 



17 



CHAPTER ONE: CONQUEST AND SETTLEMENT 



Although Spaniards entered present day Arizona as early as 1539, 
the embrace of European civilization was not felt until the 1690s with the 
appearance of Jesuit missionaries. Sporadic at first, the influence of the 
Church through the Jesuits and later the Franciscans predominated over 
other facets of Spanish society for almost the first century after contact. 
The fearsome Apache kept other Spanish settlers from the area until a 
revised policy toward that tribe brought four decades of relative peace 
beginning in the 1780s. 

Mexican independence in 1821 brought change. Missionaries born 
outside Mexico were soon forced to leave the field. In other areas the 
national government lacked the money and interest to continue Spain's 
Apache pacification program. The impoverished Sonoran state government 
made a slight effort to protect the retreating citizenry from Apache raids 
before lapsing into several decades of periodic civil war. By the 1840s 
only Tucson and Tubac existed as small population centers. 

When the United States gained the territory south of the Gila River 
by the Gadsden Treaty of 1854, the village of Tucson had perhaps 300 
inhabitants who hardly dare venture beyond the pueblo walls for fear of 
the Apache. Indian problems discouraged settlement at any distance from 
the town until 1872. Starting in that year, however, people began to 
settle as ranchers and farmers in the area that is now the Rincon Unit of 
Saguaro National Monument. Mining and prospecting, which began a few 
years before in the Tucson Mountains, increased after 1872. These two 
ventures, agriculture and mining, played the greatest role in the area 
that would become the two units of Saguaro National Monument. 

A. The Spanish Period 

The first Spaniards to enter what is now southern Arizona merely 
passed through the area on their way to locate the treasure of the cities 
of Cibola. In 1539 Fray Marcos de Niza became the first European to 



19 



traverse the area. As he followed the course of the San Pedro River, de 
Niza encountered the small villages and irrigated fields of the 
Sobaipuri - one of the three Piman-speaking tribes which inhabited the 
region. His report of the riches of Cibola resulted in another expedition 
led by Francisco Coronado in 1540. He, too, traveled along the San 

Pedro as he crossed the area. Since they found nothing of value there 

1 
or at Cibola, the Spanish lost interest in the region. 

It was not until the end of the seventeenth century that Spanish 
civilization reached into the northern part of New Spain and poised on the 
edge of the northernmost section which by that time had come to be called 
the Pimeria Alta (Figure 1). This region encompassed present-day 
southern Arizona south of the Gila and west of the San Pedro rivers and 
extended into the northern portion of the state of Sonora, Mexico as far 
as the Rio Altar and Magdalena valleys. It was to this area that the 
Jesuit padre, Eusebio Kino, came in 1687 to establish missions. In his 
twenty years of exploration in the Pimeria Alta, he encountered three 
related tribes in the Arizona part. These peoples, the Sobaipuri in the 
eastern area, the Pima in the north and central portion, and the Papago 
in the central and western section, were basically sedentary and lived in 

rancherias except for those Papago in the extreme west. In that area the 

2 
people were nomadic food-gatherers. 

Padre Kino did not enter the area of present day southern Arizona 
until 1691 when he followed the Santa Cruz River valley north to the 
rancheria of Tumacacori. He came to that village at the request of the 



1. Frank C. Lockwood, Pioneer Days in Arizona : From The Spanish 
Occupation to Statehood (N.Y.: Macmillan Co., 1932), 14-17; Hubert H. 
Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico , 1530-1880 (San Francisco: 
The History Co., 1889), 31, 39, 345-346. 

2. Edward H. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest : The Impact of Spain , 
Mexico , and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest , 1533-1960 
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1962), 118-119. A rancheria is a 
fixed agricultural settlement in which the houses were scattered as much 
as a half mile apart. 



20 



Pima Indians who lived there. These people, like their bretheren of 

southern Arizona, were a relatively peaceful people who were interested 

in learning about the Christian religion. Since Kino lacked the 

manpower, he left no missionary at the village. In fact he did not return 

to the Santa Cruz Valley until 1694. On this occasion he followed the 

river north to its confluence with the Gila. On the way he stopped at 

the rancheria of Bac which was a village about nine miles south of 

present day Tucson. Over the next eight years Kino visited these 

3 
villages many times, laying the foundation for a church at Bac in 1700. 

Although Padre Kino had difficulty supplying sufficient priests for 

the missions, the Jesuits had a program, financially supported by the 

civil authorities, which had the ultimate end of turning the Indians into 

full Christian citizens of the Spanish Empire. To accomplish this goal, 

Indian villages were structured into orderly societies that would require 

the inhabitants to modify their old ways. It was a church-centered 

community designed to be largely self-sufficient. Missionaries taught a 

simple catechism of Christian concepts which they felt were necessary for 

the Indians to know. In addition the priests supplied cattle and wheat, 

which was a new grain, and taught the use of new tools and agricultural 

techniques. In doing so the missionaries attempted to convince the 

4 
Indians to accept a daily routine of field and herd work. 

The Jesuits never had sufficient manpower to properly supply their 
Santa Cruz Valley missions until 1732. After that date they had the 
luxury of instructing the Indians without having what they considered the 
corrupting influence of Spanish settlers. The reason no Spaniard 
inhabited the valley was increasing raids by Apaches. These people had 
begun to attack Spanish settlements in New Mexico by the middle of the 



3. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico , 1530-1888 , 352-359. 

4. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest , 287, 295; Ray H. Mattison, "Early 
Spanish and Mexican Settlements in Arizona," New Mexico Historical 
Review 21 (October 1946), 274. 



21 



Figure 1 



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22 



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seventeenth century and in 1698 expanded their area of assaults when 
they entered the Pimeria Alta. Partly for this reason and partly because 
of a Pima uprising in 1751 the Spanish established a presidio (fort) at 
Tubac in 1752. These soldiers were to provide protection for the 
missionaries, but they proved to have little effect. 

About the time the Spanish king expelled the Jesuits from his New 
World domain in 1767, the Sobaipuri could no longer withstand Apache 
attacks. (Figure 2 shows the relative position of the Apache in 1765.) 
They left the San Pedro Valley and moved westward to meld with the Pima 
and Papago. At the same time the Tucson rancheria came under periodic 
assault partly because it was located at an entry point into the Santa 
Cruz Valley. 

In the face of continued warfare the Franciscans, who replaced the 

Jesuits in 1768, confined their efforts in southern Arizona to the Santa 

Cruz Valley and in particular the missions San Xavier at Bac and 

Tumacacori. Soon after the first Franciscan reached Bac the Apaches 

plundered the village. Several subsequent raids resulted in a loss of 
cattle. 

Apache problems did not go unnoticed in Spain. In 1772 King Carlos 
III set forth new regulations by which additional presidios would be 
established on the frontier to halt Apache incursions. As a result of this 
decree the Tubac garrison was moved to Tucson in 1776. The presidio 
was established on the east bank of the Santa Cruz across the river from 

o 

the Pima/Sobaipuri rancheria and named San Agustin de Tucson. 



5. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico , 362, 369; Spicer, 
Cycles of Conquest , 236. 

6. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico , 381; Spicer, Cycles of 
Conquest , 238-239. 

7. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico , 375; Spicer, Cycles of 
Conquest , 132. 

8. Sidney B. Brinckerhoff , "The Last Years of Spanish Arizona," 
Arizona and the West 9 (Spring 1967), 7. The current Saint Augustin 
Church in Tucson takes its name from that rancheria. 

24 



The rearrangement of presidios did not prevent Apache raids. As a 

result the new Viceroy of New Spain, Bernardo de Galvez proposed a 

different approach to the problem in 1786. Since it was clear that the 

object of the Apache raids was not to drive the Spanish from the region 

but was merely a means of maintaining themselves through plunder, 

Galvez decided to increase military pressure on them and at the same time 

offer food and supplies if they would settle in peace near a presidio . If 

kept well supplied, they would have no need to obtain food and animals 

through raids. One additional facet to the plan departed from the usual 

Spanish approach to Indians which dictated that they should be 

Christianized and turned into model citizens. Galvez hoped to corrupt 

9 
those Apaches who settled near a fort by supplying them with liquor. 

The increased use of force combined with the offer of supplies 
worked. From about 1787 into the late 1820s a period of peace occurred. 
By the 1790s a number of Apaches had settled at the Tucson presidio . 
The tranquility resulted in the settlement law of 1791 which was designed 
to encourage families to move to the frontier where land was provided. 
Spanish officials hoped that villages would develop around the forts. In 
addition a Spaniard of means could obtain a grant of ranch land. Two 
years before the settlement law Torbio de Otero had taken advantage of 
the calm and asked for a piece of ground near Tubac. He received his 
land. Soon after the opening of the nineteenth century others asked for 
grants of land. The Buenavista ranch was established south of 
Tumacacori in 1806. Tomas and Ignacio Ortiz received a grant for their 
Canoa ranch thirteen miles north of Tubac in 1820. Their father already 
had established at Arivaca in 1812. The largest ranch, the San 
Bernardino, covered a huge area of southeast Arizona and Sonora. It 
reportedly had 100,000 head of cattle in the 1820s. The tranquility 
allowed an increase in the mission herds at San Xavier and Tumacacori 



9. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico , 378; Brinckerhoff , 
"The Last Years of Spanish Arizona," 10. 



25 



Figure 2 

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26 



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as well. In 1820 the padre at the latter location sold 4,000 cattle for 
money to continue construction. 



The settlement law attracted Spaniards to settle at Tucson. In 1804 
there were 37 Spanish and 200 Indians farming near the presidio . At the 
time there were 4,000 cattle, 2,600 sheep, and 1,200 horses at Tucson. 

By 1819 the old pueblo's Spanish population increased to 62. Cattle had 

11 
grown to number 5,600. 

While stock raising became a major Spanish industry in southern 
Arizona, others took to mining. Although minerals had been discovered 
near Arivaca and in the Santa Rita and Patagonia Mountains in the 
eighteenth century, Apaches had made mining difficult. In the late 
eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, however, men returned to 

those areas during the peace and mined some of the richer deposits which 

12 
were mostly silver. The ore was reduced in crude smelters. 

B. The Mexican Period 

After several years of struggle the Mexicans won their independence 
from Spain in 1821. The area of southern Arizona remained for a few 
years as it had under the Spanish. The Mexicans, however, had no 
interest or money to continue the Spanish pacification program with the 
Apache. Despite this situation it took a decade before those Indians 
returned to raiding. The Spanish had not been totally successful in 
corrupting them. 



10. Brinckerhoff , "The Last Years of Spanish Arizona," 15-16; Bancroft, 
History of Arizona and New Mexico , 400-401; Mattison, "Early Spanish and 
Mexican Settlements in Arizona," 286; Robert C. Stevens, "The Apache 
Menace in Sonora 1831-1849," Arizona and The West 6 (Autumn 
1964), 213. 

11. Brinckerhoff, "The Last Years of Spanish Arizona," 15. 

12. Brinckerhoff, "The Last Years of Spanish Arizona," 17. 

13. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest , 240; Brinckerhoff, "The Last Years of 
Spanish Arizona," 19. 



28 



The national government in Mexico City ignored the situation on the 
country's northern border and left it to the state governments to solve 
the Apache problem. At first the Sonoran officials offered a feeble 
military response and then made an attempt to achieve peace treaties with 
the Apache. When this effort failed to pacify them, the state government 
began a system of paying bounties for Apache scalps. To make matters 
worse the eruption of sporadic civil wars in Sonora, particularly between 
the Gandara and Pesquiera factions, kept politicans preoccupied with 
other matters for over a decade. As the 1840s began nearly all the 
Mexican population had fled south from southern Arizona. Only two 
settlements existed, Tucson and Tubac, where a few people managed to 
live under the protection of the presidios . By 1848 Tubac was 
abandoned. 

The 1840s brought Americans to southern Arizona on their way to 
California. The first group to arrive were soldiers under the command of 
Lieutenant Colonel Philip St. George Cooke. The United States had been 
at war with Mexico almost seven months in 1846 when Cooke entered 
Arizona. His orders were to survey a wagon trail across the area from 
the Rio Grande to the Pacific Coast. He entered Arizona at approximately 
the southeast corner and followed the present day international boundary 
to the San Pedro River. Turning north he proceeded downstream to the 
area of present-day Benson. From there he left the river to travel 
northwest to Tucson. Leaving Tucson, he followed the Santa Cruz to the 
Gila River. His route through Arizona became known as Cooke's Wagon 
Road (Figure 3). 

The next large group of Americans to pass through southern Arizona 
came, beginning in 1849, on a trek to the California gold fields. Most 



14. Stevens, "The Apache Menace in Sonora, 1831-1849," 211, 216, 
218-219; Brinckerhoff , "The Last Years of Spanish Arizona," 19; 
Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico , 404-405; Spicer, Cycles of 
Conquest , 240-241 . 

15. Lockwood, Pioneer Days [n Arizona , 294-297; Bancroft, History of 
Arizona and New Mexico, 477. 



29 



Figure 3 

Portion of "A New Map of Mexico, California & Oregon," 1850, by J. A 
and U.P. James. 



30 



parties took one of two routes - Cooke's Wagon Road or, by going further 
west, they reached the Santa Cruz River and followed it north. The trail 
along that river had served as the major line of communication for 150 
years. This area, including Tucson, was still Mexican territory since the 
peace treaty which ended the war in 1848 set the international boundary 
at the Gila River. Most travelers found the area deserted. They usually 
were less than impressed with Tucson where only several hundred people 
lived in miserable-appearing adobe houses. 

An international boundary survey party was appointed in 1849 to 
mark the border between the United States and Mexico. In 1850 John 
Bartlett was appointed to head the American group. When he passed 
through Tucson in July 1852 he observed that it had about 300 
inhabitants who lived in decaying adobe homes. The once extensive, rich 
land near the village was no longer cultivated because of the Apaches. 
Bartlett found 300 soldiers in the garrison, most of whom had recently 

arrived. The Sonoran government also had reactivated the Tubac 

17 
presidio in that year in an effort to decrease Apache raids. 

No documents exist to show that any use was made of the Saguaro 
National Monument lands during the Spanish and Mexican eras. Spaniards 
and Mexicans, however, undoubtedly traveled through both of the 
monument units. 

C. The American Period 

In 1853 the United States approached the Mexican government 
seeking to purchase land south of the Gila River for a southern 



16. Bancroft, History of Arizona and New Mexico , 483; Ralph P. Bieber, 
ed., Southern Trails to California (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark 
Co., 1937), 211. 

17. John Russell Bartlett, Personal Narrative of Explorations and 
Incidents jn Texas , New Mexico , California , Sonora , and Chihuahua , 
Connected with the United States and Mexican Boundary Commission , 
During the Years 1850 , '51 , '52 , '53 (Chicago: The Rio Grande Press, 
Inc., 1965), I: 295-296; Bancroft, History of Arizona and New 
Mexico, 479. 



32 



transcontinental railroad. James Gadsden, the American negotiator, 
succeeded in reaching an agreement on December 30, 1853. It was 
approved in Washington in June 1854. At that time Tucson became 
American territory. Prior to Gadsden's accord, Lieutenant John G. Parke 
was ordered to make a railroad survey for a route from the Gila River to 
the Rio Grande. He arrived in Tucson from the west on February 20, 
1854. Here he found that the regular eastbound trail first went south 
along the Santa Cruz to the mission San Xavier and then proceeded east. 
Instead of using that route, Parke went due east toward the Rincon 
Mountains near where a thick growth of cactus caused him to turn aside. 
It is possible that this was in the area of the present-day Saguaro 
National Monument. The railroad survey resulted in the selection of two 
possible routes through the Tucson area (Figure 4). One passed through 
that village. East of the San Pedro it ran somewhat north of Cooke's 

Wagon Road. The other went from the Gila River down the San Pedro 

1 8 
Valley to the east. 

The American military did not arrive in Tucson until late 1856. 
Mexican forces had remained there waiting to turn command over to the 
United States. The population probably was around 400 with a small 
group of Papago Indians living at nearby San Xavier. They, like their 
non-Indian neighbors, were still suffering from Apache attacks. The 
American forces did not remain in Tucson. Most Anglo settlers in the 
area had located to the south around Tubac, so the troops established 
Camp Moore at nearby Calabasas. In early 1857 the soldiers moved to an 

area about twenty-five miles southeast of Tubac and constructed Fort 

19 
Buchanan on Sonoita Creek. 



18. Lockwood, Pioneer Days m Arizona , 116; Bancroft, History of 
Arizona and New Mexico , 482. 

19. Lockwood, Pioneer Days [n Arizona , 90, 92; James E. Serven, "The 
Military Posts on Sonoita Creek: A Review of the Brief But Important 
Roles of Fort Buchanan 1857-1861 and Camp Crittenden 1868-1873," The 
Smoke Signal (Fall 1965), 27. 



33 



Figure 4 

Portion of "Map of Routes for a Pacific Railroad," 1855. Courtesy of the 
National Archives, Washington, D.C. 



34 




-> • 



Tucson became less isolated in the latter part of the 1850s. A 
bi-weekly mail and stage service began to operate from San Antonio to 
San Diego via El Paso and Tucson in the summer of 1857. The following 
year the Butterfield Overland Mail took over the route and operated it 
until the Civil War began in 1861. Although for several more decades 
Tucson's major link to other areas remained to the south along the Santa 
Cruz river into Mexico, the mail service, which followed a route to the 

east similar to that of the present-day Interstate 10, began the link which 

20 
would tie that city to the United States (Figure 5). 

Despite the continued presence of Apaches in the 1860s, Tucson's 
population grew from 620 in 1860 to 3,224 in 1870. People, however, still 
tended to settle close to the town for protection. It was not until the 
Apache truce in 1872 that individuals began to move any distance away. 
In so doing, they moved eastward and occupied land along the waterways. 
The Rincon and Santa Catalina Mountains' watershed provided sufficient 
runoff to irrigate crops such as corn, beans, wheat, and fruit trees until 
the monsoon rains came in July and August bringing sufficient moisture 
for the remainder of the growing season. People first moved out along 
the Rillito River and from there to its tributary the Tanque Verde Creek. 
They also squatted along the Pantano Wash and its branch the Rincon 
Wash. Several raised livestock in fairly large numbers at first. In 
December 1872 Manuel Martinez became one of the first people to move any 
distance from town. He located his Cebadilla Ranch along the Tanque 
Verde Creek about eighteen miles east of Tucson at the base of the 
Rincon Mountains (Figure 6). His ranch was the first in the area 
adjacent to Saguaro National Monument. He filed a pre-emption claim on 
160 acres. Within a few years he cleared forty acres on which he planted 
400 fruit trees and some grain that were watered by an irrigation ditch 



20. James H. McClintock, Arizona : Prehistoric - Aboriginal - Pioneer - 
Modern (Chicago: S.J. Clarke Pub. Co., 1916), I: 270-271; Lockwood, 
Pioneer Days m Arizona , 298-299. 



36 



from the Tanque Verde. In addition by 1880 he grazed 200 head of cattle 

21 
on the surrounding public domain. 



Several families settled on adjacent land in 1875. Jesus Manguia 
located about one mile west of Martinez. He did little development on the 
land until the early 1880s. He concentrated on his thirty acres of 
irrigated land and raised only a few livestock. West of Manguia, A. Van 
Alstine squatted on land on which he had forty acres under cultivation. 
By 1880 he owned 350 head of cattle, most of which he pastured in the 
San Pedro Valley during the winter and spring. Some of his cows formed 
a small dairy herd. Bernadino Campos and his married son Matildo 
irrigated forty acres across the Tanque Verde from Van Alstine. They 
had 110 cattle. The only other occupants in the immediate area were 
Guadalupe Martinez and two married sons. They cultivated sixty-five 
acres on a portion of which they raised 150 fruit trees. He and his sons 
had fifty head of cattle and cared for another 250 owned by William Oury 
until Oury moved to the area about 1883. Emilio Carrillo had a ranch 
about three miles west and one mile north of the Tanque Verde. Only 
two hired men lived on his property and looked after his 250 head of 

cattle. Several Papago families squatted in the area and worked as day 

22 
laborers. 

In 1873 Camp Lowell, which had been situated in Tucson, was 
relocated some ten miles northeast of that town. A military reservation, 
declared on October 26, 1875, extended just over ten miles east of the 
fort to the base of the Rincon Mountains. The Army reasoned that it 
needed such a large reservation to assure sufficient grass on which its 



21. Register of Settlers Upon the Fort Lowell Military Reservation, ca. 
1880, Box 14, Division K, Abandoned Military Reservation File, Arizona, 
Fort Lowell, Record Group 49, Records of the Bureau of Land 
Management, National Archives, Washington, D.C. (Hereafter cited as 
NA). Register of Settlers Living on or Claiming Land on the Fort Lowell 
Military Reservation, May 14, 1883, Box 14, Division K, Abandoned 
Military Reservation File, Arizona, Fort Lowell, Record Group 49, Records 
of the Bureau of Land Management, NA. 

22. Ibid. 



37 



Figure 5 

Portion of "Map of Southern Arizona/' 1868. Courtesy of the National 
Archives, Washington, D.C. 



38 



•i 







<r>n:!frf^ip : - ■ 

. . -*«*;'• Hisi •>> 



•^ •'t.r ^ »■ rti-* s .. ■■ ■"*$: .-\r <J»> * 












<ff 



% 









? ~ l iVV " -.X, »" \ i S ". " v ; >^* - j. 



«•• v.. i v •' ** ^ c: -- '- " • ~ - 









a 




-.'-** -*. ^*»--' ■ 

s x **>^ . -.::.; ( -»i ;.-••; % -^ ='. 










&^mm^.^ 



r$'f*\ 



Figure 6 

Map Drawn May 14, 1883 to show squatters on Fort Lowell Military 
Reservation. Courtesy of the National Archives, Washington, D.C. 



40 



tjVaTlSfiL'VIIU^W^^; 




horses and cattle could graze as well as having a firewood supply. It 
also desired to control the streams to maintain a source of water. The 
settlers along the Tanque Verde found themselves within the east end of 
the military reservation. This situation resulted in a conflict with the 
army. In closer proximity to the fort, Emilio Carrillo was the first to 
engage the army's attention. His cattle interfered with the military 
livestock by reducing the amount of forage. This situation caused Colonel 
Eugene A. Carr, the post commander, to exclude all privately owned 
animals from the reservation. As a result, in February 1881 he ordered 
Carrillo, Manuel Martinez, Bernardino Campos, and A. Van Alstine to 
move. An appeal led the Secretary of War to rule in July 1882 that those 

people living on the reservation could remain, but no new encroachments 

23 
would be allowed. 

The narrow escape from eviction had an effect on the reservation 
inhabitants. Van Alstine and Campos stopped raising cattle while Carrillo 
and Martinez cut their herds to seventy-five and eighty head 
respectively. Still, however, Col. Carr felt that Carrillo's reduced herd 
disrupted the range. Carrillo did not help his case when he was caught 
cutting mesquite trees on the reservation. As a result, on May 14, 1883 
a Board of Officers recommended a course of action toward the 
reservation settlers. The board's findings led the Secretary of War to 
reverse his earlier pronouncement and in December of that year he 
authorized the Fort Lowell commander to summarily remove any settler 
from the reservation who allowed his livestock to interfere with the 
grazing of public animals or who cut wood. The pronouncement affected 
only Emilio Carrillo. He was removed from the reservation and relocated 
just outside the boundary to the east near Manuel Martinez (Figure 7). A 



23. Order No. 18, Fort Lowell, February 22, 1881, Box 14, Division K, 
Abandoned Military Reservation File, Arizona, Fort Lowell, Record 
Group 49, Records of the Bureau of Land Management, NA; G. Norman 
Lieber, Act. Judge Advocate General to the Secretary of War, March 13, 
1886, Box 14, Division K, Abandoned Military Reservation File, Arizona, 
Fort Lowell, Record Group 49, Records of the Bureau of Land 
Management, NA. 



42 






short time later a group of Papago squatters was sent to the Indian 
reservation at Sacaton. 



Despite renewed Apache activity in the early 1880s as well as army 
efforts to discourage settlement, the population continued to grow along 
Tanque Verde Creek. Occasionally, when Apaches were thought to be in 
the area, a troop detachment would be sent to Manuel Martinez's ranch 
from where they could protect the local populous. Communication was 

made easier in 1885 with the completion of a road from Tucson to the San 

25 
Pedro Valley that paralleled Tanque Verde Creek for some distance. 

In February 1891 the Tanque Verde settlers no longer had the 
spector of the army before them, for Fort Lowell was declared abandoned 
and transferred to the Secretary of the Interior. An act of congress in 
August 1894 opened the old Fort Lowell land to settlement. That portion 
in Township 14 South, Range 16 East was not surveyed until 1900--three 
years after the non-mountainous portion of the township outside the old 
reservation boundary. The 1897 and 1900 surveys did not produce a 
great rush to make homestead entries. Within the present-day Saguaro 
National Monument boundary, Fermin Cruz was one of the first to take 
the opportunity to receive land. He obtained his patent in 1916. Most 
applications for homesteads were made in the 1920s. Ultimately, only 
about fourteen percent of Township 14 had homestead entries. Emilio 
Carrillo was the most prominent person in the area. His son Rafael took 
over his Tanque Verde Ranch in 1909. He, in turn, sold to James 
Converse in 1928. Converse and his wife converted a portion of their 



24. Special Orders No. 20, March 5, 1883, Headquarters, Department of 
Arizona, Box 14, Division K, Abandoned Military Reservation File, 
Arizona, Fort Lowell, Record Group 49, Records of the Bureau of Land 
Management, NA; O.N. Benjamin, Asst. Adj. General to Commanding 
General, Department of Arizona, December 8, 1883, Box 14, Division K, 
Abandoned Military Reservation File, Arizona, Fort Lowell, Record Group 
49, Records of the Bureau of Land Management, NA. 

25. Arizona Citizen (Tucson), September 5, 1885. 



43 



Figure 7 

Portion of "Official Map of Pima County, Arizona, 1893" by George 
Roskruge. 



44 



property into the Tanque Verde Guest Ranch in that same year. They 
remained in control until the 1950s. 



A number of people, most of Indian background, squatted in the 
area from around the turn of the century to about 1930. The rude 
houses of those who had lived within the monument boundary were razed 
by the Civilian Conservation Corps in the mid-1930s. Most of these 

individuals worked for nearby ranchers. Some cut wood and sold it in 

27 
Tucson. 

The same settlement pattern prevailed along the Rincon Wash south 
of the present Saguaro National Monument boundary as occurred along the 
Tanque Verde Creek. In the late 1870s and early 1880s five individuals 
located along the wash in Township 15 South, Range 17 East (Figure 7). 
When James Martineau surveyed the area in 1893, he noted that, while 
most of the township was better suited for grazing, the land along the 
Rincon was of first quality for farming. The settlers who lived along 
that stream had cleared parcels of land and irrigated by means of 
mountain runoff and summer rains. One of the men, Librada Leon, 
patented his homestead in 1897. Several years later he sold the land to 
Joseph Mills who relocated to that land from his ranch three miles to the 
west. These small farms were absorbed into a larger ranching operation 
by the 1920s. 28 



26. Acting Secretary of the Interior to the Secretary of War, 
February 5, 1895, Box 14, Division K, Abandoned Military Reservation 
File, Arizona, Fort Lowell, Record Group 49, Records of the Bureau of 
Land Management, NA. 

27. Cornelius C. Smith, Jr., Tanque Verde : The Story of a Frontier 
Ranch Tucson , Arizona (Tucson: Printed by the Author, 1978), 131-132. 

28. James H. Martineau, "Field Notes of the Survey of the Subdivision 
Lines of Township 15S. Range 17E. of the Principal Base and Meridian in 
the Territory of Arizona," Book 870, November 9-18, 1893, Bureau of 
Land Management, Phoenix; Homestead Certificate No. 813, To Librada 
Leon, November 5, 1897, Bureau of Land Management, Phoenix. 



46 



Eight families settled along the Rincon Wash to the west in Township 
15 South, Range 16 East about 1880 (Figure 7). Four of the inhabitants 
farmed on irrigated land and operated dairies (Benites brothers, Saenz, 
and Lopez), while the remainder raised cattle. Juan, Narcisco, and 
Eusabio Telles, owners of the Box Ranch, and Joseph Mills kept the 
largest herds of cattle. The Telles ranch was the scene of the 
kidnapping of Octaviano Gastelum on May 22, 1886 by a group of fourteen 
Apaches who happened to come into the area on a raiding party. 
Gastelum, the seven year old son of a cowboy at the ranch, was 
kidnapped after the Indians threw stones at his mother. Then they 
disappeared northward in the direction of Manuel Martinez's ranch on 
Tanque Verde Creek. A group of men assembled and rode after the 
Apaches. After riding about six miles they came upon the Indians who 
had stopped to cook a freshly killed cow. Surprised, the Apache left 
young Gastelum and retreated up the slope of the Tanque Verde 
Mountains firing several shots at their pursuers. Rather than chase the 
fleeing Indians the men rode to the Carrillo ranch about two miles distant 
and rested for the night. (Two miles south of the Carrillo Ranch would 
have placed the incident within the boundary of Saguaro NM, probably on 
the west side of section 14.) The next day they returned to the scene 

and followed the Apaches' tracks over the Rincon Mountains and into the 

29 
San Pedro Valley before ending their pursuit. 

In 1911 Fredric O. Knipe purchased Juan Jose Saenz's homestead and 
developed the Bar S-K ranch. Two years later he bought the nearby 
Mills ranch (later known as the X-9) and thereby became the largest 
rancher in the Rincon Valley. Knipe split the property in 1926 when he 
sold the Bar S-K to Melvill Haskell. In 1928 he sold the X-9 to J. Rukin 



29. Arizona Citizen (Tucson) May 22, 24, 25, 1886; Juan I. Telles 
folder, Ephemera file, Arizona Historical Society, Tucson; Reminiscences 
of Octaviano O. Gastelum, Arizona Historical Society, Tucson; James H. 
Martineau, "Field Notes of the Survey of the Subdivision Lines of 
Township 15S. Range 16E of the Principal Base and Meridian in the 
Territory of Arizona, Book 869, November 1-9, 1893, Bureau of Land 
Management, Phoenix. 



47 



Jelks. Since that time those ranches have been possessed by various 

30 
owners. The X-9 continues to operate in Henry Jackson's ownership. 



Charles Page settled on the east side of the Rincon Mountains about 
1874 and started the Happy Valley Ranch. In the mid-1880s he sold his 
land to the Vail Cattle Company that owned the huge Empire Ranch near 

the Santa Rita Mountains. In 1943 Roderick Mackenzie operated the 

31 
property. It has changed hands several times since that date. 

In the last decade of the nineteenth and early years of the twentieth 
centuries the upper portions of the Rincon Mountains became the scene of 
settlement, timber cutting, summer cabin construction, and army activity. 
A retired railroad employee built a dwelling near Mica Peak and proceeded 
to raise potatoes there. From this livelihood came the designation Spud 
Rock Cabin. After the United States Forest Service acquired the area in 
1907 its fire watch personnel used the cabin. The Forest Service 

replaced the cabin in 1912. The replacement has since collapsed in 

32 
1966. 

Although into the late 1880s the Santa Rita Mountains served as the 
sole source for timber and all of the saw mills were located there, some 
timber cutting of the pine forest atop the Rincon Mountains began about 
1887. When Lieutenant G.H.G. Gale ascended Colorado Peak (Rincon 
Peak) from Mountain Spring in March 1890 to look for a good location for 
a heliograph station, he encountered a logging trail which led to the top 
of the peak. That route would have meant timber was brought down the 
south side of the Rincon Mountains. Frank Escalante, however, told of 



30. Telephone conversation with Theodore Knipe by Berle Clemensert, 
May 14, 1986. 

31. "The Empire Ranch as told to Mrs. Geo. F. Kitt," Box 1, Item 7, 
Edward L. Vail papers, Arizona Historical Society, Tucson; Happy Valley 
Allotment file, Coronado National Forest Office, Tucson. 

32. Spud Rock Cabin folder, Saguaro National Monument files; Telephone 
Conversation with Theodore Knipe by Berle Clemensen, May 14, 1986. 



48 



ponderosa pine being cut for vigas (beams for the ceiling or roof) and 
brought down the west side of those mountains through Chimenea Canyon. 
The vigas would be pulled down by oxen. Near the mouth of Chimenea 

Canyon the men would stop to heat their food at a chimney which exists 

33 
to this day. 

In 1905 Levi Manning, later mayor of Tucson, began to build a 
summer cabin near Mica Peak. Here, away from the desert heat, he 
would spend a portion of the summer and would often entertain guests. 
Soon after the Rincons were added to the Santa Catalina Division of the 
Coronado National Forest in mid-1907, Manning then leased his summer 
retreat for several years. He, however, did not use the cabin after 

1907. The Forest Service and National Park Service have since used the 

34 
structure to house fire watch personnel. Additional information on this 

important building appears in Chapter Five. 

Beginning in 1890, the army conducted heliograph maneuvers in the 
Rincon Mountains. Practice with this signaling device stemmed from its 
use during the Apache campaign in 1886. At that time the heliograph 
seemed to demonstrate great efficiency for field communications. After 
the Geronimo action ended, Lieutenant W.A. Glassford, a signal corps 
officer assigned to Department Headquarters at Fort Whipple near 



33. History of Arizona Territory Showing Its Resources and Advantages ; 
with Illustrations , Descriptions of jts Scenery , Residences , Farms , Mines , 
Mills , Hotels , Business Houses , Schools , Churches , Etc . (San Francisco: 
Wallace W. Ellicott & Co., 1884), 305; First Lieutenant G.H.G. Gale, 
"Report of Reconnaissance for a Central Station, Connecting Lowell, 
Huachuca, Bowie and Grant Heliograph Divisions," March 28, 1890, found 
in Instructions for Guidance of Signal Officers , [n charge of Heliograph 
Systems , May 1890 (Los Angeles: Headquarters, Department of Arizona, 
April 29, 1890), 4; Transcript of a Taped Conversation of Frank 
Escalante and Charles Maguire by Bob Jones, Supt. of SAGU, Hal Coss, 
Park Naturalist, and Tom Carroll, Park Technician (December 11, 1969), 
1, in Saguaro National Monument Files. 

34. Arizona Star (Tucson), August 2, 1959; Arizona Citizen (Tucson), 
August 24, 1907; Data on Manning Camp in the Rincon Mountains as told 
by Mr. Howell Manning, son of L.H. Manning the Original Builder and 
Owner, Saguaro National Monument Files. 



49 



Prescott, made an effort to keep an interest in the heliograph as a 
practical military instrument. In 1887 Glassford traveled the territory 
mapping the region to indicate the best points for stations. Interest, 
however, declined after he was ordered for duty elsewhere. When Major 
William J. Volkmar became chief signal officer of the Department of 

Arizona in 1889 he decided to test the practicability of establishing 

35 
heliograph stations to cover the department. 

Preparatory to holding field operations in May 1890, army personnel 
made a reconnaissance of Arizona and southwestern New Mexico to 
ascertain the best station locations. First Lieutenant G.H.G. Gale made a 
survey of Colorado Peak (now called Rincon Peak) in the Rincon 
Mountains beginning March 18, 1890. He contacted Fort Lowell from that 
point the following day and, by prearrangement, Bowie Station on 
March 23, and Huachuca Station the next day. He found Colorado Peak 
to be an excellent heliograph site, for it commanded a large field of view 

except to the northwest. It also had abundant grass and a spring which 

36 
appeared to have a constant flow (Figure 8). 

Two days before the concerted heliograph practice began, First 
Sergeant Peter Bartsch arrived on Colorado Peak from Fort Lowell with 
seven other men. He began transmitting to Fort Lowell and Table 
Mountain on April 30. When practice officially began on May 1, Bartsch 
opened communication with Bowie Peak and Fourr's Ranch at Cochise 
Stronghold. The next day he contacted Fort Huachuca and finally the 
Mt. Graham Station near Fort Grant on May 6. Bartsch was ordered to 



35. "Report of the Chief Signal Officer," October 1, 1890, found in 
Report of the Secretary of War , 1890 (Washington, D.C.: Government 
Printing Office, 1890), IV: 40; "Report of the Chief Signal Office," 
October 1, 1895, found in Report of the Secretary of War , 1895 
(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1895), 584; Army and 
Navy Journal 33(November 23, 1895), 201. 

36. Gale, "Report of Reconnaissance for a Central Station, Connecting 
Lowell, Huachuca, Bowie and Grant Heliograph Divisions," 1-4; "Report of 
the Chief Signal Officer," October 1, 1890, p. 41. 



50 



Fort Huachuca on that day with the large station heliograph. Corporal 
L.P. Gouldman took over command of the Colorado Peak station. 
Although stations at Table Mountain, Lowell, Huachuca, Cochise, and 
Bowie could contact him, Gouldman had a problem communicating with the 
more distant stations like Bowie using the small instrument he had. 
Problems arose on May 9 when the cook informed him that the spring near 
the camp had gone dry. When he reported the problem to Fort Lowell the 
next day, Gouldman was ordered to abandon the station and reestablish 
another at some other point on the Rincons. His first choice, which he 
called "A", did not prove to be a proper location. The next day, May 
13, Gouldman moved one mile to the southeast to a place called Saucer 
Peak. This site "B" as well as "C" inhibited contact with some stations 
(Figure 9). When Gouldman closed the heliograph at sunset on May 15 

and prepared to return to Fort Lowell, he concluded that the best area 

37 
for signaling was Colorado Peak. 

The success of this 1890 field exercise was expressed in the Army 
and Navy Journal . 



By far the most important event in connection with the Signal 
Corps of the Army has been the unprecedentedly successful 
establishment and maintenance of an elaborate system of 
heliograph signaling in the Department of Arizona. The credit 
for this work deservedly belongs to Asst. Adjt.-Gen. Wm. J. 
Volkmar, who in addition to his staff duties, voluntarily 
assumed those of the Chief Signal Officer of the Department. 
Maj. Volkmar undertook the task of practically testing the 
scheme of covering, with an inter-related system of heliograph 
stations, such parts of his department as were of special 
military importance. About 1,000 miles of heliograph lines were 
operated and 33 officers and 129 enlisted men took part in this 
remarkable practice during which nearly 4,000 messages and 
100,000 words were exchanged. The regular transmission and 
interchange of messages were had on greater ranges than have 
ever before been known in any military practice or, indeed, by 
any method. Previously 75 miles constituted an extreme range 



37. "Inclosures to Report on Concerted Heliograph Practice, Department 
of Arizona, May 1st to 15th, 1890," Annual Reports of CSO 1862-63, 
1867-68, Reports of Instruments and Methods of Signalling, 1887-1893, 
Record Group 111, Records of the Office of the Chief Signal Officer, NA. 



51 



Figure 8 

Portion of a map showing proposed heliograph lines and stations to be 
operated during the field exercises of May 1-15, 1890. Courtesy of the 
National Archives, Washington, D.C. 



52 



\ \ 



F<,„. 


ty/ ^ 


" 


\ 


\ 


' \ 




\ 






'101 







Kb! 



Figure 9 

Portion of a map showing the heliograph lines and stations in Arizona 
and New Mexico operated during field exercises May 1-15, 1890. 
Courtesy of the National Archives, Washington, D.C. Colorado Peak 
(present-day Rincon Peak) was the heliograph site at the beginning 
of the exercise. Midway through the practice, the heliograph was 
moved farther north in Rincon Mountains as shown by the 
designation "Rincon Mt." 



54 




^T: : 








■ *■' 



:■.**; 



- •'■?! 



fee*fv 



' -j 1 '^-' 



I&S&S& 



1V 



s / / 



* 



?> 



K, 



o. 



5/ 



'^ 



V. 



*> 



/ 





for military heliograph work but in this practice messages were 
successfully sent and answered over ranges, Respectively, of 
85, 88, 95, and communication had at 125 miles. 

The achievements of the exercise placed the heliograph among the 
military signaling devices as a potent factor in "civilized warfare." The 
new Signal Corps school at Fort Riley, Kansas featured the heliograph in 
its course of instruction. Here, it was determined that proficiency in the 
use of that instrument would be achieved when an individual could send 

and receive eight words per minute. Every five letters were counted as 

39 
a word. 

The American Morse Code, as prescribed in General Order 59 of 
June 28, 1889, was used by the Signal Corps during both the 1890 and 
1893 field exercises in Arizona. Later a joint Army and Navy Board 

approved a modified Myer Code for use in visual signaling. This 

40 
regulation took effect on October 1, 1896. 

With improvements made to the heliograph instruments, the Signal 
Corps conducted another field exercise from February 6 to 16, 1893. 
Colorado Peak was again chosen for a station. Since Fort Lowell had 
been abandoned for almost two years by this time, presumably men from 
Fort Huachuca occupied Colorado Peak without problems on this occasion. 

The exercise proved that with little notice men could occupy unfamiliar 

41 
territory and promptly establish heliograph communications. Although 

General Nelson A. Miles first used the heliograph on the Northern Plains 

in the latter 1870s, its use in the Geronimo Campaign in 1886 led to the 



38. Army and Navy Journal 28(November 15, 1890), 194. 

39. Army and Navy Journal 29(September 26, 1891), 74; 29(November 7, 
1891), 190; 33(February 8, 1896), 409. 

40. Ibid . , 33(August 15, 1896), 902. 

41. "Report of the Chief Signal Officer," October 9, 1893, in Report of 
the Secretary of War , 1893 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing 
Office, 1893), 652, 665. 



56 



subsequent field exercises of 1890 and 1893 in southern Arizona which 
was viewed as the ideal location to experiment with instruments that used 
sunlight to send messages. Before the heliograph era ended, rendered 
obsolete by wireless radio, it had been used in the Spanish-American and 
First World wars. 

The west side of the Tucson Mountains differed from the Rincon 
Mountains. With a much lower elevation this range only rarely received 
any snowfall. Consequently, no stream flowed with sufficient regularity 
to promote agriculture. As a result, no farmers settled there. A small 
number of cattle and horses from nearby ranches grazed there, but this 
area of less moisture did not sustain any large ranching operation. 
Those few individuals who periodically inhabited the area now within the 
Tucson Mountain Unit of Saguaro National Monument were either miners or 
mine employees. 



57 



CHAPTER TWO: LIVESTOCK GRAZING 
AND THE SOUTHERN ARIZONA ENVIRONMENT 



Cattle raising in Arizona began in 1696 when Padre Kino drove a 
herd through the Santa Cruz Valley, distributing it among the Indian 
rancherias as far north as Bac. Nearly a hundred years later, Spanish 
ranchers settled in southern Arizona, but their sojourn lasted no more 
than forty years. Apache raids drove them from the region in the early 
1830s. These Indians prevented ranching to any extent until the 1870s, 
nearly twenty years after the Gadsden Purchase placed the area south of 
the Gila River in American possession. The number of cattle grew until 
drought in the early 1890s decimated their numbers and caused ranchers 
to view this semi-arid land differently. In the area of Saguaro National 
Monument the United States Forest Service came into possession of the 
Rincon Mountains in 1907 and began a system of grazing permits. The 
creation of Saguaro National Monument in 1933 and its subsequent 
administration by the National Park Service did not end grazing on that 
land until the late 1970s. Livestock ranging over the terrain contributed 
to environmental change in the area. 

A. The Introduction and Proliferation of Livestock in Southern Arizona 

As a means of easing the Indians of the Upper Santa Cruz Valley 

into a Spanish lifestyle, Padre Kino drove the first cattle into southern 

Arizona in 1696 before he had established a mission system there. These 

cattle became the nuclei of the mission herds and increased in numbers 

over the years. Livestock became so abundant at Tumacacori, for 

example, that the mission had an estimated 5,000 head of cattle, 2,500 

sheep, 600 horses, 89 mules, and 15 donkeys roaming the area in 1818. 

The cattle herd at San Xavier mission just south of Tucson came to 

1 
number in the thousands as well. 



1. Spicer, Cycles of Conquest , 126; John L. Kessell, Friars , Soldiers , 
and Reformers : Hispanic Arizona and the Sonora Mission Frontier 
1767-1856 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976), 228, 237. 



59 



Except for a few presidio -related animals, mission cattle, sheep, and 
horses remained the only livestock in southern Arizona until Torbio 
Ortero established a ranch just north of Tubac in 1789. When an era of 
relative peace with the Apache that lasted nearly forty years brought 
many other Spanish ranchers into Arizona at the beginning of the 
nineteenth century, stock raising became a major industry. By the early 
1820s ranches occupied the Santa Cruz Valley from south of Tumacacori to 
just south of Tucson. Farthest south was the Buenavista ranch which 
occupied the upper Santa Cruz Valley and stretched north to border on 
the Tumacacori mission land. The Tumacacori mission property extended 
three miles north to Tubac. Otero's ranch was located just north of 
Tubac and above that operation Tomas and Ignacio Ortiz operated the 
Canoa ranch. It reached to the south border of the San Xavier mission 

property. That mission's land probably came within five miles of Tucson 

2 
which was the northernmost settlement. 

The number of livestock grazing in that area of the Santa Cruz 
Valley by the 1820s can only be estimated, but it was substantial. In 
1819 the Indian and Spanish settlers around Tucson owned 5,600 cattle 
and around 3,000 sheep. There could have been an equal number of 
cattle on the San Xavier land since five years before the Indians there 
owned around 4,000 cattle. The livestock numbers on the Ortiz and 
Otero ranches remain unknown. The Tubac inhabitants raised 1,000 
cattle in 1804 so that number could have doubled by the 1820s. In 1820 
the Tumacacori padre sold 4,000 of the 5,500 cattle to raise money to 
continue mission construction, but there remained over 1,000 sheep. 
Again, the Buenavista ranch livestock numbers can only be estimated. A 
figure of 25,000 cattle and 8,000 sheep in the valley could well have been 
possible. The largest Spanish ranch, the San Bernardino, which stretched 
across southeast Arizona and into Sonora reportedly had 100,000 head of 
cattle in the 1820s. 3 



2. Brinckerhoff , "The Last Years of Spanish Arizona," 15-17; Mattison, 
"Early Spanish and Mexican Settlements in Arizona," 294-295. 

3. Brinckerhoff, "The Last Years of Spanish Arizona," 15-17; Kessell, 
Friars , Soldiers, and Reformers, 203, 228, 244-245. 



60 



No one knows the extent of the range of these livestock, but it is 
certain that they did not stay within the bounds of the ranches. As a 
result there may have been some animals grazing in both units of what 
became Saguaro National Monument. It would also seem that either these 
herds did not cause much environmental damage or else recovery was 
relatively rapid between the disappearance of the livestock after 1833 and 
the arrival of the 49ers in the Santa Cruz Valley. Americans passing 
along that valley in 1849 in the main found it to be more lush than other 
areas through which they had traveled. 

With renewed Apache warfare in 1831, the Spanish and Mexican 

ranchers of southern Arizona began to flee for their lives. In their haste 

they were unable to take all of their livestock with them. As a result, 

many abandoned cattle roamed the area, especially in southeast Arizona. 

Philip St. George Cooke with the Mormon Battalion encountered a large 

herd of feral cattle on the San Pedro River as they passed through the 

region in 1846. Others, including people headed for the gold fields of 

California, saw similar herds a few years later. By the late 1850s these 

wild cattle apparently disappeared as travelers stopped reporting seeing 

them. By 1858 there were so few cattle in the Tucson area that that 

village suffered from a lack of fresh meat. It was noted in the early 

1860s that Tucson had four milk cows and a few other cattle which were 

4 
corraled at night to keep Apaches from stealing them. 

After the Apache truce of 1872, cattle numbers began to increase. 
By 1870 there were 1,800 cattle in Pima County, an area which at that 
time covered all land south of the Gila River except a part of Yuma 
County, but these animals were basically used to supply meat for the 
troops and reservation Indians. It was not long before pamphlets and 
books appeared extolling the promise of a stock grower's paradise. In 
1874 one of the first tracts praised the Santa Cruz Valley and its adjacent 
tableland for the superb grass found there. The author felt that there 



4. J.J. Wagoner, "History of the Cattle Industry in Southern Arizona, 
1540-1940," University of Arizona Social Science Bulletin No . 20, 23 (April 
1952), 25-32. 



61 



was room for millions of cattle in Arizona where only a few thousand 

grazed at the time. In the period 1876-80 the fame of Arizona grassland 

5 
spread and with it the cattle industry expanded rapidly. 



In the period 1880 to 1884 even more effort was expended to attract 
ranchers. Most of the cattle were the product of crossbreeding either 
Hereford or Shorthorns with Mexican stock--a blood mixture touted for its 
hardiness. These cattle, it was said, could be fattened on the 
nutritious, native gramma grass in an extremely short time. At the same 
time ranchers had no fear of destroying that grass, for, even when it 
was grazed to the roots, it was thought that it would grow again the next 
season with renewed vigor. 

Assuming that the range could not be destroyed, ranchers steadily 
increased the numbers of cattle until the region was vastly overstocked. 
They forgot that southern Arizona was a semi-arid land until the drought 
in the summer of 1885 brought a heavy cattle mortality. The following 
year was dry again. In 1887 the rains returned and that summer was the 
second wettest on record. As a result, cattlemen began to restock the 
range, not having learned the lesson of the two previous years. Heavy 
winter rains in 1888-89 brought even greater renewed hope of a returned 



5. A.P.K. Safford, The Territory of Arizona : A Brief History and 
Summary of the Territory's Acquisition , Organization , and Mineral , 
Agricultural and Grazing Resources ; Embracing a Review of j_ts Indian 
Tribes - Their Depredations and Subjugation ; and Showing in Brief the 
Present Condition and Prospects of the Territory (Tucson: The Arizona 
Citizen, 1874), 17-18; Wagoner, "History of the Cattle Industry in 
Southern Arizona, 1540-1940," 38. 

6. Patrick Hamilton, The Resources of Arizona : Its Minerals , Farming 
and Grazing Lands , Towns and Mining Camps ; Its Rivers , Mountains , 
Plains and Mesas ; with a Brief Summary of Lts Indian Tribes , Early 
History , Ancient Ruins , Climate , Etc . , Etc . (Prescott, Az. : Under 
authority of the Legislature, 1881), 39, 41, 169, 171-172; Arizona Star 
(Tucson), January 22, 1882; History of Arizona Territory Showing Its 
Resources and Advantages , 139-140. 



62 



paradise. Again, it became fashionable to praise the stock raising 
capability of the area. By 1890 the ranges of southern Arizona carried 
five times the number of cattle as ten years earlier. Then in 1892 
another drought began with the result that many cattle died in May and 
June. When the dry time extended into 1893, between fifty and 
seventy-five percent of the cattle in southern Arizona died. The range 
in Pima County was in terrible condition. Finally, those cattlemen who 
remained learned that numbers could not be the primary objective of 
cattle ranching in a semi-arid climate. Breeding herds became the chief 
attraction and by 1897, Arizona cattle raisers began to sell registered 
animals. Most steers, however, were shipped north when they reached 
one year old. By 1902 the range carried only about one-third the 
livestock compared to ten years earlier. Even with these reduced 
numbers, periodic drought still caused losses. By the mid-1930s the 
semi-desert grass of southern Arizona was one of the most depleted in all 
the West. Even to this day a dry season can cause problems. 

B. National Forests and United States Forest Service Grazing Policy 

Starting in 1891, the national government began to set aside forest 
land on the public domain as National Forest Reserves. By assuming the 
role of perpetual owner of these lands and their resources, the 
government in Washington began the reversal of a three-century-long 
policy of land privatization on the frontier. These reserves were 
assigned to the Department of the Interior where they were administered 
by the General Land Office. Unprepared for such an effort, the General 
Land Office at first closed the reserves to all use. This position, of 



7. Wagoner, "History of the Cattle Industry," 45, 53-54; James R. 
Hastings, "Vegetation Change and Arroyo Cutting in Southeastern Arizona 
During the Past Century: An Historical Review" (Paper Read at the Arid 
Lands Colloquia, University of Arizona, 1958-1959), 31; Arizona Citizen 
(Tucson), Special New Years Edition, January 1, 1890; Albert F. Potter, 
"Report of Examination of the Proposed Santa Rita Forest Reserve," March 
1902, found in Range Conditions m Arizona , 1900-1909 as Recorded by 
Various Observers m a Series of Miscellaneous Papers (University of 
Arizona Library Special Collections), 18-19; Horace S. Haskell, "Effects of 
Conservative Grazing on a Desert Grassland Range as Shown by 
Vegetational Analysis" (Master's Thesis, University of Arizona, 1945), 32. 



63 



course, promoted defiance by timber, mining, and grazing interests. In 
early 1897 Congress, after several feeble attempts, passed the first 
legislation which dealt with forest reserve use, but it focused on the 
timber industry. It was not until June 30, 1897 that the Secretary of the 
Interior issued an order which allowed grazing although it put some 
restrictions on sheep. Gradually, the General Land Office worked toward 
a systematic policy on grazing. By 1902 that agency placed a limitation 
on the number of livestock allowed on the reserves although no grazing 
fee was charged, and no regulation was made on the time, season, 
locality, or movement of stock. At the same time the General Land Office 
adopted a permit system based on "preference". Residences of a reserve 
received first preference followed by nearby landowners, then longtime 
users, and finally those who lived some distance from the reserve. This 
situation prevailed when the Santa Catalina Forest Reserve was created on 
July 2, 1902. 8 

In 1905 the forest reserves were transferred to the Department of 

Agriculture where they were placed under the Bureau of Forestry. Two 

years later these reserves were renamed national forests and the agency 

became known as the United States Forest Service. At the same time the 

Rincon Mountains were added to the Santa Catalina National Forest. The 

next year, 1908, the national forests in southern Arizona were combined 

9 
under the name Coronado National Forest. 

When the Bureau of Forestry gained control of the forests, it 
continued with the General Land Office permit system to regulate grazing. 



8. Anne E. Harrison, "The Santa Catalinas: A Description and 
History" (Summer 1972), 12, 88, typescript in the Coronado National 
Forest Headquarters, Tucson; Robert M. Barker, "The Economics of 
Cattle Ranching in the Southwest," The American Monthly Review of 
Reviews (September 1901), 307; Wagoner, "History of the Cattle 
Industry," 75; William D. Rowley, U.S. Forest Service Grazing and 
Rangelands : A History (College Station, Texas: Texas A&M University 
Press, 1985), 4, 22, 30-32, 46-47, 54. 

9. Harrison, "The Santa Catalinas: A Description and History," 7, 12; 
Wagoner, "History of the Cattle Industry," 75. 



64 



That agency also continued with the General Land Office permit 
preference to settlers and property owners of adjacent land who raised 
livestock in connection with the forest reserves. The period 1905-09 was 
viewed as a trial period to determine the number of livestock which could 
safely graze on forest land without damaging the range. This action 
reduced stock by an estimated thirty percent. At the same time the 
Secretary of Agriculture approved Regulation 25 on June 14, 1905 by 
which a reasonable fee would be charged for grazing all classes of 
livestock on forest land starting January 1, 1906. Cattle and horses were 
to be assessed at thirty-five to fifty cents per head for year-round 
usage, while the fee for sheep was five to eight cents for the summer. 
This regulation went unchanged until 1910 when the charge per head for 
cattle and horses increased slightly. Fees again increased in 1912 with a 
larger assessment in 1915 which reached forty-eight to seventy-five 
cents. By 1916 the top figure reached $1.25 per head for cattle. 
Ranchers protested when the Secretary of Agriculture announced in late 
1916 that fees would be increased twelve to twenty cents per year for the 
next three years. As a result, there was only a one year raise of 

twenty-five cents. This amount held until 1921 when it was again 

10 
increased. In Arizona ranchers were usually charged the lowest amount 

per head. Between 1906 and the early 1920s this fee increased from 

thirty-five to eighty cents for cattle and horses. 

After the United States entered the First World War ranchers 
brought pressure to allow greater numbers of livestock on forest land 
under the war-time mandate to increase meat production. In some 
instances this persistence resulted in a four-fold increase per owner. 



10. United States Congress, Senate, Committee on Public Lands and 
Surveys, "Hearings Before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Public 
Lands and Surveys, Pursuant to S. Res. 347 to Investigate all Matters 
Relating to National Forests and the Public Domain and Their 
Administration," 69 Cong., 1 Sess. (Washington, D.C.: Government 
Printing Office, 1926), I: 3-4, 17-18; Mary Ellen Lauver, "A History of 
the Use and Management of the Forested Lands of Arizona 1862-1936" 
(Master's Thesis, University of Arizona, 1938), 162; Harrison, "The Santa 
Catalinas: A Description and History," 89-90. 



65 



Beginning in 1921, the Forest Service reduced individual allotments 
slightly. A possible reason for not cutting livestock numbers further 
could have been connected with the observation in the 1924 National 

Forest Grazing Manual that livestock grazing in forests reduced the fire 

11 
danger "through utilization of grass and plants." 

Beginning with the 1925 calendar year the Forest Service adopted a 
new policy. For administrative purposes each national forest was divided 
into grazing districts. Each district forester submitted a tabulation of 
the number of livestock a given district would carry along with a 
determination of the length of the grazing period. Local range conditions 
were to determine the duration of the grazing season. The forest 
supervisor would then divide the number of cattle, judged to be the 
maximum a district could carry, among the various range allotments on 
the most equitable basis. The 1925 policy also directed that district 
foresters would evaluate the district carrying capacity every ten years. 

If necessary, that individual could increase or decrease the number of 

12 
livestock as much as ten percent every five years. 

Despite several droughts between the mid-1920s and late 1930s, the 
Forest Service never severely reduced the number of livestock grazing in 
the Santa Catalina district east of Tucson. Animals were also allowed on 
the allotments on a year-round basis until 1939. By that time the forest 
rangeland had become so devastated that something had to be done. An 
experiment began with some ranchers by which their grazing period was 
reduced in essence to a summer season of February 1 to September 15. 
At the same time they were allowed a larger number of livestock. Since 
that grazing season eventually proved to have no greater advantage over 
a year-round grazing period, a new approach began in 1941 with some 
ranchers. A reduced number of animals was permitted to graze in what 
amounted to a winter season from January 1 to May 31 . With some later 



11. United States Congress, Senate, Committee on Public Lands and 
Surveys, "Hearings," I: 45, 147. 

12. Ibid., 46, 83-84. 



66 



adjustment this arrangement came to predominate. Subsequent 

experiments showed that perennial grass yields were higher on winter 

13 

range than summer range regardless if the year were wet or dry. 



C . Grazing Within and Around Saguaro National Monument 

Beginning in the 1870s ranchers began to locate along the drainages 
of the Rincon Mountains. Manuel Martinez was the first to locate on the 
Tanque Verde Creek in 1872. By 1880 his cattle herd had grown to 200. 
Others soon moved near Martinez and raised cattle as well. In 1880 over 
1,000 cattle ranged over the public domain around the future monument 
and Fort Lowell Military Reservation. Although some divested themselves 
of cattle in the face of pressure by the army, three men, Martinez, Emilio 
Carrillo, and William Oury, came into prominence on the north side of the 
present day Rincon Unit of Saguaro National Monument in the latter part 
of the nineteenth century. Each man probably kept over 400 cattle by 
the later 1880s. To the south along the Rincon Wash, two ranches 
developed, one owned by the Telles Brothers and the other by Joseph 
Mills. Although the Telles 1 herd grazed primarily in the Rincon 
Mountains, the other ranchers took their entire herds there during times 
of drought. The dry period of 1892 and 1893 undoubtedly reduced these 

cattle. By 1900 Carrillo remained as the primary rancher on the north 

14 
with Mills and the Telles Brothers on the south. 

There were other ranches which developed in the neighborhood of 
the Rincon Mountains in the late 1870s and early 1880s as well as a herd 



13. Martin S. Clark, "Some Factors Affecting Vegetation Changes on a 
Semidesert Grass-Shrub Cattle Range in Arizona" (Doctoral Dissertation, 
University of Arizona, 1964), 68; Haskell, "Effects of Conservative 
Grazing on a Desert Grassland Range as Shown by Vegetational 
Analysis," 32. Most of the information on Forest Service experiments in 
the grazing season was taken from grazing permits. 

14. Register of Settlers Upon the Fort Lowell Military Reservation, ca. 
1880, Division K, Abandoned Military Reservation File, Arizona, Fort 
Lowell, Record Group 49, Records of the Bureau of Land Management, 
NA; Wagoner, "History of the Cattle Industry," 40-41. 



67 



of army cattle kept on the Fort Lowell Reservation. Walter Vail, who 
developed the large Empire Ranch in the area between the Santa Rita and 
Whetstone Mountains in 1876, soon acquired more land with his brother 
Edward and others. Their operation spread to the area along the Pantano 
Wash south of the Rincons. By the mid-1880s they purchased the Happy 
Valley Ranch on the east slope of the Rincons from Charles Page who 
settled there about 1874. In 1880 there were reportedly 17,000 cattle, 
horses, and sheep on the outlying ranches near the Rincon Mountains. 
In that same year after the Southern Pacific Railroad reached Tucson, the 
Vails were said to have shipped 100 railcars of cattle to California. At 
the same time Leopoldo Carrillo had a ranch on the south side of the 
Santa Catalina Mountains and the Bayless family ran a sheep ranch in the 
Redington area. The Army at Fort Lowell kept a herd of cattle in 

addition to horses. These livestock were usually confined to an area no 

15 
more than four miles east of the post. 

The addition of the Rincon Mountains to the Santa Catalina National 
Forest in 1907 affected Emilio Carrillo, Joseph Mills and the Telles 
Brothers. Since their ranches were closest to the new forest addition, 
they were given a preference for grazing their livestock. They had to 
obtain a permit to use the forest land and pay for each animal grazed 
there. This permit reduced the number of livestock they could have in 
the national forest. For example Emilio Carrillo's permit allowed him to 
graze only sixty cattle on the forest land. His son Rafael was assigned 
that same number when he took control of his father's ranch in 1909 and 
it remained the same until the United States entered the First World War. 



15. "The Empire Ranch as Told to Mrs. Geo. F. Kitt," 7; Edward L. 
Vail, "Empire Story," 1, Box 1, Item 7, Edward L. Vail Papers, Arizona 
Historical Society, Tucson; T.R. Sorin, Hand-book of Tucson and 
Surroundings Embracing Statistics of the Mineral Fields of Southern 
Arizona (Tucson: Citizen Print, 1880), 8-9; History of Arizona Territory 
Showing Its Resources and Advantages , 139-140; Harrison, "The Santa 
Catalinas: A Description and History," 86; Statement by Col. E.A. Carr 
on settlers on the Fort Lowell Reservation, ca. 1880, Box 14, Division K, 
Abandoned Military Reservation File, Arizona, Fort Lowell, Record 
Group 49, Records of the Bureau of Land Management, NA. 



68 



In 1918 he received an increased permit by which he could graze 265 
animals. This figure was raised to 290 in 1920 and then dropped to 269 

in 1921 where it remained through 1927 when he sold the ranch. That 

1 fi 
number of cattle caused the range to be severely overgrazed. 

In 1925 the Forest Service defined allotment boundaries on which 
each rancher was to graze his assigned number of livestock. That area, 
which presently forms the Rincon Unit of Saguaro National Monument, 
became wholly or partly included in six allotments - Twin Hills, Tanque 
Verde, Pantano, Rincon, and two untaken (figure 10). One of the two 
untaken allotments was assigned as Happy Valley beginning in 1943. 
Harry Wentworth, who had established his ranch about ten years 
previously, controlled the Twin Hills area with its fifty-animal permit. 
Rafael Carrillo had the Tanque Verde Allotment with its 269-livestock 
permit. Fredric Knipe controlled both the Pantano with its 

eighty-five-cattle permit and the Rincon on which 348 livestock could 
graze. In 1926 Mel vill Haskell gained the Pantano Allotment when he 
bought one of Knipe's ranches. Two years later Knipe sold the other 
ranch to J. Rukin Jelks and with it went the Rincon Allotment. Also in 
1928, James Converse purchased the Carrillo property and acquired the 
Tanque Verde Allotment. In the same year Wentworth died and his wife 

sold the ranch and cattle to Converse, thereby providing him with the 

17 
Twin Hills Allotment. 

In March 1933 Saguaro National Monument was created and placed 
under the United States Forest Service administration. The area 
containing saguaro cactus on its west side was partly in private 
ownership or held by the University of Arizona. The remaining eighty 



16. Tanque Verde Allotment, File G, Permits - C & H - Coronado, 
Converse, Jas. P., Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson. 

17. Telephone Conversation with Theodore Knipe by Berle Clemensen, 
May 14, 1986; Conversation with James Converse by H. Coss, National 
Monument Employee, November 17, 1968 in Mrs. Freeman Day folder, 
Saguaro National Monument files; Tanque Verde, Pantano, and Rincon 
Allotment files, Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson. 



69 



R. 16 E. 

Private & 
Public Land 



R. 18 E. 



T. 14 S. I 




UZF: 



T. 15 S. 



Figure 10 

GRAZING ALLOTMENTS IN SAGUARO NATIONAL MONUMENT 1935 

RINCON MTN. UNIT 



percent or more of the monument came from former national forest land. 
This tract extended across the Tanque Verde Mountains to the east slopes 
of the Rincon Mountains. Containing few cacti, the vegetation consisted 
primarily of scrub trees, forest, and grass. The Forest Service had 
little opportunity to administer the monument since in August of the same 
year it was transferred to the National Park Service. This situation 
brought a loud cry from the ranchers whose grazing allotments lay within 
the monument boundary, for they thought the Park Service conservation 
policy would mean the end of grazing on the monument. The Forest 
Service championed the ranchers' cause and asked that all but three 
sections of the former forest land be returned to that agency. Frank 
Pinkley, head of the Southwest Monuments unit of the Park Service, also 
desired to reduce the boundary, but Arno B. Camerer, the Park Service 
Director, saw no reason to decrease the monument land to just the cacti 
area. Rather, he thought it was better to make a study of it for its 
future possibilities. In the meantime the ranchers would be guaranteed 
that their grazing rights would not be disturbed. 

The Park Service inherited part or all of six grazing allotments of 

1 8 
which four were being used by three ranches. Two of the four active 

grazing allotments, Twin Hills and Pantano, were entirely within the 

national monument. Fifty-four percent of the Tanque Verde allotment fell 

within the monument and sixty-five percent of the Rincon allotment lay 

there. This meant that about 520 head of livestock grazed on the former 

national forest portion of Saguaro National Monument. The University of 

Arizona and many of the private land owners within the monument leased 

their land to James Converse. Since the state and private proprietors 

maintained looser controls than the Forest Service, Converse would run 



18. Memorandum by F.A. Kittridge, Chief Engineer NPS Field Hdqtrs., 
San Francisco, April 24, 1934, Folder - Saguaro NM General 
Correspondence, November 17, 1933 to December 31, 1935, Saguaro 
National Monument files; Arno B. Camerer, Director NPS, to Frank 
Pinkley, June 7, 1934, File G, Permits - C & H - Coronado, Converse, 
Jas. P., Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson. 



71 



100 or more cattle on that land depending on the season. The state and 
University merely charged three cents per acre to lease land with no 
restriction on the number of livestock that could be grazed. 

The multi-year grazing permits held by the three ranchers for 
Saguaro National Monument expired at the end of March 1935. In that 
month Forest Service and Park Service personnel discussed the approach 
to grazing on the monument. Since the Park Service had already stated 
that it would allow grazing to continue, it was only a matter of which 
agency would handle the permits. It was decided to allow the Forest 
Service to continue issuing permits on the basis that the monument 
formed a part of the overall grazing area regulated by that agency. 
The Park Service was to receive its proportioned part of the grazing 

fees. Multi-year permits for the allotments touching the monument would 

19 
no longer be issued. 

Just before the grazing permits expired in 1935, Eduardo Carrillo, 
who had a ranch near James Converse, applied for a share of the Tanque 
Verde allotment. The carrying capacity of that allotment had been judged 
by the Forest Service to be 555 head of cattle on a year-long basis. 
Converse had been allowed to run 269 livestock. Carrillo evidently felt 
he should be allowed to add several hundred head of his own cattle. 
Assistant Forest Supervisor C.W. McKenzie went to look at the proposed 
subdivision line. Dismayed at the prospect of allowing over 200 more 
cattle on the allotment, he reported, "this range has been seriously 



19. Memorandum of Agreement, April 1935 (Administration of Grazing 
Permits), File G, Cooperation, Coronado, National Park Service, Coronado 
National Forest Headquarters, Tucson; Frank Pinkley to the Director, 
March 20, 1935, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence March I, 
1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service, NA; Arno B. Cammerer, Director NPS, to Frank Pinkley, 
April 5, 1935, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 
1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service, NA. 



72 



abused in the past and is still in very poor condition. I think we have 
an excess stock problem here and always will have until the boundary is 
closed. Increase in permitted numbers should not be permitted until 
range is properly developed and vegetation has improved materially." 
Despite that assessment, Forest Supervisor Fred Winn notified the Park 

Service that, with the issuance of new permits on April 1, 1935, Carrillo 

20 
would be included in the Tanque Verde allotment. 

Drought conditions again began in 1937 with subsequent deterioration 
of the range. Even so, the ranchers did not voluntarily reduce their 
herds. Carl Russell, a Park Service employee, visited Saguaro in early 
1937 and reported that he was surprised at the large number of cattle 
grazing on the monument with so little available grass. With rainfall far 
below normal the next year, the Forest Service made a small downward 
adjustment of about ten percent in the number of livestock each permittee 
could run on an allotment. When dry conditions prevailed into 1939, the 
Forest Service began an experiment with Converse on his portion of the 
Tanque Verde and the Twin Hills allotments. He could graze twenty-five 
cattle year-round with an additional 470 between February 1 to September 
15. The range was so poor that he chose to graze only the twenty-five 
cattle. In that year the Park Service began its own reconnaissance of 
the monument's range conditions. The report noted the miserable 
condition of the foothill area and in particular the north side of Rincon 
Wash which was a natural concentration area for watering. The Rincon 
allotment had always been a problem, for the monument area was basically 
steep and rocky and thus poor range. As a consequence the cattle would 

congregate mainly on the national forest portion near the water and 

.«. 21 
overgraze it. 



20. "Range Improvement Coronado, Range Division Fence (Tanque Verde) 
Proposed 1935," by C.W. Mckenzie, Asst. Forest Supervisor, March 1, 
1935, File G, Permits - C&H - Coronado, Converse, Jas. P., Coronado 
National Forest Headquarters, Tucson; Fred Winn, Forest Supervisor, to 
Frank Pinkley, March 7, 1935, File G, Permits - C&H - Coronado, 
Converse, Jas. P., Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson. 

21. Southwest Monuments Monthly Report (Saguaro), February 1937; 
"Report on Grazing Reconnaisance on the Saguaro National Monument, 



73 



The Converse experiment continued in 1940 and 1941. In 1940 his 
permit allowed him to graze twenty-five cattle and ten horses all year 
with 234 head limited to eight and one-half months. The next year the 
Tanque Verde and Twin Hills allotments were separated. On the former 
Converse could graze twenty-five cattle year-round and another 150 cattle 
could be grazed for five months from January 1 to May 31 . He could 
keep thirty cattle and ten horses on Twin Hills for the same five month 
period. Converse again chose to graze only twenty-five head of livestock 

each of those years. This reduction in cattle allowed the grass to make a 

22 
marked improvement as the rains returned in the early 1940s. 

The Forest Service continued with year-round grazing on the other 
allotments. In fact it returned to that system with Converse in 1942. By 
that date he began to restock his land. He started by pasturing 100 
yearling heifers on the part of the monument controlled by the University 
of Arizona. An inspection of the Rincon Allotment in early 1942 showed 
that the cattle still gathered in the lower part near water with the result 
that the perennial grass was being replaced by weeds and annual grass. 
Since the Forest Service had come to realize that summer grazing caused 
the worst range damage, the inspector recommended instituting a dual 
season for the Rincon allotment with a permit for 180 head of cattle. 
This split season, he thought, should run from January 1 to June 30 and 
then October 1 through December 31 . His advice was not taken and the 

allowance continued to be 368 head of cattle of which 239 could be kept 

23 
on the monument. 



21. March 28 to March 30, 1939," Folder 207, Reports (General), 
Saguaro National Monument files; Tanque Verde Allotment, File G, 
Permits - C&H - Coronado, Converse, Jas. P., Coronado National Forest 
Headquarters, Tucson; Childress Inspection Report, January 1, 1952, 
Rincon Allotment File, Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson. 

22. Tanque Verde Allotment, File G, Permits - C&H - Coronado, 
Converse, Jas. P.; V.W. Saari, NPS Region Three, Regional Forester, 
"Forest Protection Requirements Report for Saguaro National Monument," 
June 1942, Saguaro National Monument Files. 

23. Custodian's Monthly Report (Saguaro), February 1942; Southwest 
Monuments Monthly Report (Saguaro), February 1942; Management, 



74 



Several changes in ownership had occurred starting in 1939, and in 
1943 the Happy Valley allotment became active. The Pantano allotment 
passed to Allison Armour in 1939. He was not "conservation minded," so, 
when he was not permitted to increase the number of cattle he could 
graze on his allotment, Armour sold to Helen Lichtenstein in 1941. Also 
in that year Robert Chatfield-Taylor purchased the Jelks property and 
with it obtained the Rincon Allotment. These land sales prompted a new 
policy. At the Park Service urging, the Forest Service agreed in 1941 
that each time a ranch changed ownership after that time a slight 
reduction would be made in the number of stock permitted to graze on the 
allotment. This agreement took effect for the first time in 1945 when 
Eduardo Carrillo's widow sold the ranch to Joe Lewis Hartzell. The 
Carrillo livestock permit for a portion of the Tanque Verde allotment was 
reduced by ten percent for Hartzell. The Happy Valley allotment was 
awarded to Roderick Mackenzie in 1943. Although the number of cattle 
permitted to graze there was relatively large, the only portion of the 

monument it covered was mostly inaccessible and provided forage for only 

24 
eight to ten cattle on a year-round basis. 

The same grazing situation, as had previously prevailed on the 
allotments, remained through the rest of the 1940s and 1950s with one 
exception which made a change in the Converse agreement in 1945. The 
Rincon allotment continued to have a distribution problem with the cattle 
gathering near water in the lower portions and severely overgrazing it. 



23. Coronado Inspection, Rincon-Spud Rock Allotment, March 17, 1942, 
by Asst. Forest Supervisor H. Garvin Smith, Rincon Allotment File, 
Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson. 

24. "Summary of Grazing: Saguaro National Monument," Folder, Grazing 
Allotments, Saguaro National Monument Files; Happy Valley Allotment file, 
Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson; D.W. Egermayer, Supt. 
SAGU to Hugh M. Miller, Supt. Southwestern Monuments, June 8, 1941, 
Box 2366, Folder 901-01 Grazing Saguaro, National Monuments, 
Saguaro-Sand Dunes 201.06, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA; Memorandum for the 
Director by Charles A. Richey, Acting Associate Regional Director, 
Region Three, July 28, 1945, Box 2366, Folder 901-01 Grazing Saguaro, 
National Monuments, Saguaro - Sand Dunes 201.06, Central Classified File 
1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. 



75 



For several years beginning in 1945, no cattle were grazed on the 
Pantano allotment, an overgrazed, miserable piece of steep and rocky 
ground with few watering places. This situation resulted in a vast 
improvement in that range. By the late 1950s no cattle were grazed 
there, and this continued from that time until the permit was relinquished 
in 1971. When James Converse regained all year grazing in 1942 and 
restocked the Twin Hills and Tanque Verde allotments, they returned to 
their former state, especially when a drought returned in 1943. The 
Twin Hills covered part of the saguaro forest in the monument and the 
presence of cattle continued to cause problems with the growth of new 
saguaro. The head of Coronado National Forest admitted in 1947 that "all 
grazing should be excluded if we are to properly protect the cactus area" 
in the Twin Hills allotment. In 1945 Converse agreed to what was called 
an "on and off" grazing arrangement by which he would rotate cattle to 
ease the problems. By this apportionment Converse was allowed forty 
cattle on the allotment from January 1 to April 30 and 230 head during 
the month of December. At the same time the state finally began to 
regulate the number of livestock on its land. Converse was allowed to 
keep eight cattle between January 1 and April 30 with twenty-six 

permitted there in December on the area he leased from the state and 

• 25 
University. 

In 1956 a land exchange plan, which had been in the offing for eight 
years, came to fruition. By this arrangement the National Park Service 
acquired the state land and nearly all of that held by the University of 



25. Mr. Morris Inspection Report - 1946 (Rincon), Rincon Allotment file, 
Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson; Memorandum for the 
Regional Forester by Forester Harold M. Ratcliff, November 18, 1947, 
Folder G, Cooperation - National Park Service (Saguaro National 
Monument), Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson; William H. 
Woods, Forest Supervisor, to John G. Lewis, Superintendent, Saguaro 
NM, May 28, 1956, File "G, Cooperation - National Park Service (Saguaro 
National Monument), Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson; 
Memorandum to the Director, NPS from Chief Forester J.D. Coffman, 
USFS, February 3, 1949, Box 2366, Folder 901-01 Grazing Saguaro, 
National Monuments, Saguaro - Sand Dunes 201.06, Central Classified File 
1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. 



76 



Arizona within the monument boundary in return for federal acreage 
elsewhere in the state. As a result James Converse agreed to end 
grazing on those sections of state and private land on which he had 
previously kept livestock. He also consented to having a five-strand 
barbed wire fence placed along the north monument boundary. As a 
consequence all grazing finally ended in the giant cactus forest area on 
the monument. 

Several ranches exchanged hands in the 1950s. Henry Jackson 
bought the X-9 in 1955 while Converse sold his Tanque Verde ranch to 
Kenneth Kaecker. The ranch controlling the Pantano allotment passed 
through several owners including Bill Veeck of baseball fame. 

Changes in the grazing policy finally began to occur in the 1960s as 
the same arrangement under which James Converse operated since 1945 
was applied to the other allotments. In the early years of that decade, 
however, any evidence of modification seemed remote as Forest Service 
inspectors continued to be appalled by the range conditions without 
making changes to relieve the situation. The Rincon allotment seemed to 
have the greater problems. When the Forest Service Range Staffman 
viewed that area in late 1961, he decried the range damage produced by 
what he thought were too many cattle assigned to too small an area. He 
suggested that the 320 cattle permit should be reduced by at least 
seventy-five. He reported that the most suitable grazing areas "have 
long since been denuded of any perennial forage," and advocated ending 
grazing during the summer season. His advice was partially taken for 
the 1962 permit did reduce the livestock by seventy-five. Then in 1964 a 
seasonal grazing policy was applied allowing cattle on the allotment only 
from November 1 to April 30; however, the number was raised to 400 of 
which 242 were allowed on the monument. Although the Forest Service 



26. Letter of Agreement on Grazing, Saguaro National Monument, James 
Converse - National Park Service, April 12, 1956, File G, Permits - 
C&H - Coronado, Converse, Jas. P., Coronado National Forest 
Headquarters, Tucson. 



77 



finally made an attempt for improvement, any grazing on the monument 
still interrupted the basic ecological processes. Much to the Park 

Service's relief Henry Jackson voluntarily relinquished his permit in 

27 
January 1968. 

Finally, in the 1970s, all legal grazing ended on Saguaro National 
Monument. The holder of the Pantano permit voluntarily surrendered it 
in June 1971. This left just the Tanque Verde and Happy Valley 
allotments with which to contend. Toward the end of 1973 the Forest 
Service notified the Park Service that as of the end of that year the 
cooperative agreement would end. That agency no longer would manage 
grazing permits for the Park Service. With that announcement, the Park 
Service seized the opportunity to end all grazing. It notified the Tanque 
Verde and Happy Valley allotment holders that they would be given a 
special use permit for two years. At the end of that time, on 
December 31, 1975, those permits would not be renewed. Malcolm 
Mackenzie acquiesced to the Park Service notification, but Kenneth 
Kaecker, holder of the Tanque Verde permit did not. He filed a civil 
suit on March 30, 1976 contending that he had perpetual grazing rights. 
The Park Service agreed to allow him to continue grazing until a court 
decision was reached. It required until 1979 to settle the matter. 

Kaecker lost his suit and grazing was finally thought to have ended on 

28 
the monument. 

By the mid-1970s an increasing number of feral cattle began to 
appear on the monument especially in the area of the former Rincon 



27. Charles R. Ames, Range Staffman USFS, Coronado National Forest to 
Files, December 14, 1961, Rincon Allotment file, Coronado National Forest 
Headquarters, Tucson; Rincon Allotment Management Plan 1977, Rincon 
Allotment file, Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson; Monthly 
Narrative Report for January 1967, Folder A28, Monthly Narrative Report, 
Chief Ranger, Saguaro National Monument files. 

28. Superintendent's Annual Report for 1973; Annual Report, Saguaro 
National Monument, 1976, File A2621 , Annual Reports, Saguaro National 
Monument files; Arizona Star (Tucson), April 2, 1976. 



78 



allotment. There were an estimated eighty head by 1976. These vestiges 
from grazing days caused vegetation damage especially in the area around 
water holes. In May 1976 Malcom MacKenzie of the Happy Valley Ranch 
captured six bulls. A second attempt was made to remove these cattle in 
February 1977. Two cattle were captured and five died. Another try 
was made in 1980 with better success, for thirty-seven head were 
captured and one died. Finally, in 1984 and 1985 the remaining ones 
were shot. Consequently it was not until that time that grazing truly 

r* 29 

ceased. 

The Tucson Mountain Unit of Saguaro National Monument escaped any 
heavy grazing. Only a few of the neighboring ranchers' livestock ever 
roamed that drier area. There never were any grazing allotments or 
system of grazing permits established by either national or state 
governments in that area. 

D. The Ecology of Southern Arizona Grassland and the "Old Cow 

Theory " 

The tradition has prevailed that until a century ago southern 
Arizona contained one of the most lush grasslands in the nation. With 
the introduction of cattle, the landscape entirely changed. No longer did 
the rich perennial gramma grasses abound. Grazed almost to extinction, 
these grasses purportedly were replaced by shrubby vegetation and 
annual grass not the least of which were creasote bush, snakeweed, 
burroweed, and especially mesquite. In addition the depletion of 
perennial grass allowed a rapid run off that cut deep channels in the 
area's river and stream beds. Can one blame the cow for such supposed 
changes or were there not the drastic alterations in the terrain as 
thought? 



29. Arizona Star (Tucson), October 31, November 18, 1976, April 15, 
1984; "Environmental Assessment for the Removal of Feral Cattle from the 
Rincon Drainage, Rincon Mountain Unit, Saguaro National Monument," 
September 9, 1982, Folder 207, Reports (General), Saguaro National 
Monument files; "Feral Cattle Removal, Rincon Mountain Unit, Situation 
Report," March 23, 1983, Folder 207, Reports (General), Saguaro National 
Monument files. 



79 



Over a century ago, it seems apparent, southern Arizona was not a 
region of lush grass as believed. As now, it was semi-arid and plant life 
was vulnerable to seasonal fluctuations in rainfall. Even a decrease of 
several inches of moisture below a seasonal average, which might be 
considered minor in other parts of the nation, could severely affect 
vegetation. As a result, there were years before 1880 when the grass 
remained stunted and brown, and the streams did not flow. Even without 

the effects of grazing, the droughts of the 1880s and 1890s would surely 

30 
have greatly affected vegetation. 

It would be hard to deny that cattle did not have an impact on the 
landscape. All one has to do is read the Forest Service range inspection 
reports to realize that they did, but historically there have been different 
changes to the Tucson Basin. In the past this area was not a sea of 
uninterrupted grass without shrubs. Mesquite, Palo Verde, and creasote 
bush did not appear, as thought, after cattle destroyed the native grass. 
These plants were always there. A growing population, in fact, caused 
many of the shrubs to disappear. 

Descriptions of the area within and around the present-day western 
part of the Rincon Unit of Saguaro National Monument by those who saw 
it in the 1880s and 1890s, indicated the existence of gramma grass along 
with an abundance of shrubs. There were thick stands of mesquite on 
the east end of the Fort Lowell Military Reservation and throughout the 
lower portions of what is now the Rincon Unit. There was a large 
number of Palo Verde in Township 14 South Range 16 East. These 
various shrubs were merely a part of the stands which ran in all 
directions from Tucson. Mesquite, however, was the fuel of Tucson. 
Slowly those trees were cut in an ever increasing area out from that 
village as the population grew. Mesquite was being cut on the Fort 
Lowell Reservation ten years before the military abandoned it. Surveyors 
working around what became the Rincon Unit of Saguaro noted numerous 



30. Hastings, "Vegetation Change and Arroyo Cutting in Southeastern 
Arizona During the Past Century: An Historical Review," 25. 



80 



wood roads in the 1890s. When Edward Vail drove a herd of cattle in the 
vicinity of the University of Arizona in 1890, he noted that the whole 
surrounding countryside had been cut over and nothing remained but 
creasote bush. By 1905 fuel became a problem for the people of Tucson. 
Every tree over seven inches in diameter had been cut within a ten mile 
radius of that town by that date. In 1933 when Saguaro was proclaimed a 
monument nearly every mesquite tree large enough for fuel or fence posts 
had been taken from the western portion of that area. Mesquite cutting 
remained a problem well into the 1940s on Saguaro National Monument 

land. In addition individuals who made lime used large amounts of wood, 

31 
especially Palo Verde, to fuel their kilns. 

Mesquite, Palo Verde, and grass were not the only vegetation in the 
area. The dense saguaro forest at the base of the Tanque Verde 
Mountains was impressive. In addition there was plenty of cholla, 
ocotillo, and creasote bush in the area in the 1880s and 1890s. As a 
result, cattle, by destroying the native grass, did not provide an 
environment which invited the growth of shrubs, at least in the Tucson 
Basin, for a large number and variety of shrubs were there before the 
introduction of cattle. 



31. James H. Martineau, "Field Notes of the Survey of the Exterior 
Boundaries of Township 15 South Range 16 East, of the Principal Base 
and Meridian in the Territory of Arizona," Book 1543, October 23-31, 
1893; Contzen, "Field Notes of the Resurvey of the South Boundary and 
Portion of the East Boundary of Camp Lowell Military Reservation, Pima 
County, Arizona," Book 1794, July 2-September 22, 1897; Sorin, 
Hand-book of Tucson , 37; Edward L. Vail, "The Diary of a Desert Trail," 
Box 1, Item 7, Edward L. Vail Papers, Arizona Historical Society, 
Tucson; Harrison, "The Santa Catalinas: A Description and History," 
103; Custodian's Monthly Report, March, May, June, November, 1940, 
February 1948; Memorandum for the Regional Director, Region Three, by 
Natt N. Dodge, Associate Naturalist, April 29, 1944, Folder 204-10, By 
Field Officers, Saguaro National Monument Files; Transcript of Taped 
Conversation of Frank Escalante and Charles Maguire by Bob Jones, 
SAGU Superintendent, Hal Coss, Park Naturalist, and Tom Carroll, Park 
Technician, December 11, 1969; "Report to Mr. H.R. Tillotson, Regional 
Director National Park Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico 
Concerning the Boundaries of Saguaro National Monument," by Ben M. 
Thompson, Chief, National Park Division, Branch of Lands, April 1945, 
Saguaro National Monument Files. 



81 



Another change which occurred for which cattle were partly to blame 
was erosion, especially in the cutting of deep channels in the rivers and 
streams. In the 1880s none of the waterways around Tucson ran through 
deep cuts and most had no well defined channel. During floods the 
streams would spread out in shallow sheets across adjacent land. Farmers 
dug irrigation ditches from the streams to their fields. By 1890 this 
situation began to change. A dearth of grass due to overgrazing and 
drought allowed the summer monsoon rains to run off rapidly. As a 
result streams began to have well defined channels with the larger ones 
such as the Pantano, Rillito, and Santa Cruz having much greater erosion 

damage. Again, however, cattle were only partly to blame, for irrigation 

32 
ditches also aided in channeling streams. 

Cattle grazing in the saguaro forest have received the sole blame for 
trampling on young saguaro as they crowded around and ate the seeds of 
the shrubs which acted as nurse plants. Thus the saguaro forest 
diminished in numbers as old cacti died without replacements. Wood 
cutters and cactus thieves, however, should be included on the list of 
those who caused the reduced quantity of saguaro. The two main shrubs 
which acted as nurse plants, mesquite and palo verde, were much sought 
after as fuel. In the process of cutting those plants, the men would not 
only kill young saguaro, but they would rob the cactus of necessary 
nurse vegetation. By the turn of the century it became fashionable for 
the growing Anglo population to remove saguaro and other cacti for 
replanting in their yards. This practice remained a problem long after 
the monument was created as even then thousands of these plants were 
stolen. 

The Tucson Mountain Unit of Saguaro National Monument appeared 
much the same a century ago as it does today. It escaped much of the 
impact of man and livestock that affected the Rincon Unit. Records 



32. Hastings, "Vegetation Change and Arroyo Cutting in Southeastern 
Arizona During the Past Century: An Historical Review," 30-32; 
"Reminiscences of Edward L. Vail," Box 1, Item 7, Edward L. Vail 
Papers, Arizona Historical Society, Tucson. 



82 



indicate that shrubs and cacti abounded in that area. In 1905 the 
Arizona Copper Mining Company, which began development on the Uncle 
Sam and Josephine mines and others some two miles west of the Old Yuma 
Mine, claimed to have a large wood supply. The area surrounding its 
mines for a distance of over twenty square miles was said to be covered 
with mesquite and palo verde. Surveyors also recorded the presence of 
dense desert growth. Some wood cutting did occur by miners and by 
those who needed fuel for lime kilns. Because it was an area with less 
grass and water, settlement was slow in reaching the area other than 
scattered miners. As a result fewer livestock grazed on that public 
domain. No grazing allotments were ever established by any government 
agency. Soon after homesteading began to encroach on the area in the 

1920s, a large portion of the west slope of the Tucson Mountains was 

33 
removed from settlement and preserved as a county park. 



33. Arizona Star (Tucson), February 26, 1905; William E. Hiester, "Field 
Notes of the Resurvey of the East Boundary and a Portion of the South 
Boundary, and the Resurvey and Survey of a Portion of the Subdivisional 
Lines, Completing the Survey of Township 13 South, Range 11 East," 
Book 3971, January 29-February 9, 1932, Bureau of Land Management, 
Phoenix; William E. Hiester, "Field Notes of the Survey and Resurvey of 
a Portion of the Subdivisional Lines, Completing the Survey of 
Township 13 South, Range 12 East, and, Retraced Boundaries of Patented 
Mineral Claims in Said Township," Book 3972, February 27-March 15, 
1932, Bureau of Land Management, Phoenix. 



83 



CHAPTER THREE: IN PURSUIT OF VALUABLE ORE 



Mining has played a prominent role in the history of Arizona. Many 
have been disappointed in their search for mineral wealth while a few 
succeeded in their quest for riches. Tucson came to play a prominent 
role as a center of mining activity, although the physical development of 
important mines did not take place in close proximity to that city. Silver 
and copper, the two most common ores, were excavated within a distance 
of thirty to 100 miles from that city. To this day fifty percent of the 
copper in the United States is mined, concentrated, and smelted within 
100 miles of Tucson. One mining district, Amole, partly covered the 
Tucson Mountain unit of Saguaro National Monument. Although 
prospecting and digging have occurred there since the 1860s, the mineral 
deposits have proved to be generally small and of low grade. The only 
profit made there was from the sale of claims and not from mining. 

A. A Summary of Arizona Mining 

Mineral exploration in Arizona began during the Spanish period 
in the 1730s. Spaniards, in their search for precious metals, moved from 
central Mexico northwestward and in 1736 discovered a large deposit of 
native silver about twenty miles southwest of present day Nogales in what 
became known as the Planchas de Plata district. This strike caused great 
excitement and brought many men to the region. From this time through 
the Mexican period of the 1820s and 1830s sporadic prospecting occurred 
in the mountains of extreme southern Arizona. Although no deposits were 
found that approached the Planchas de Plata, some small amount of mining 
took place. Gold and silver were extracted almost entirely by using 
placers or by the crude smelting of richer ore found in the mountains 
bordering ranch settlements in the Santa Cruz River Valley. The 
Patagonia, Santa Rita, and Cerro Colorado mountains were the scene of 
most activity. 



1. Charles F. Willis, "Mining Oportunities Around Tucson Hold Great 
Promise," Arizona Mining Journal 6 (October 15, 1922), 26; James Brand 



85 



American miners were attracted to southern Arizona after the 
Gadsden Purchase of 1853. Charles D. Poston and Herman Ehrenberg 
made a mineral survey in Sonora and southern Arizona in 1854. Poston 
obtained Eastern backing and began serious prospecting in 1856. The 
areas previously worked by the Spanish and Mexicans were rediscovered 
and several silver mines opened in the Santa Rita, Patagonia, and Cerro 
Colorado mountains. Among these mines were the IVIowry, Heintzelman, 
and Saltero. In addition copper was found at Ajo, but, owing to 
transportation difficulties, that mineral was not extracted in any amount. 

Tucson played only a minor role in this early exploration for minerals. It 

2 

was too far north and most companies headquartered in Tubac. 

Prospecting and mining nearly ceased at the onset of the Civil War 

as the recall of federal troops encouraged Apaches to increase their 

raids. Prospectors, however, returned when the California Volunteers, a 

Union force, arrived, but most of their activity occurred in the western 

portion of the territory and in the Wickenberg area. When the volunteers 

left at the close of the war, a period of bloody warfare ensued with the 

3 
Apache and thus little mining occurred until 1872. 



1. Tenney, "History of Mining in Arizona" (Typescript in University of 
Arizona Library Special Collections, 1927), l:4; "Mineral and Water 
Resources of Arizona," Arizona Bureau of Mines Bulletin No . 180 , (1969), 
118; Mattison, "Early Spanish and Mexican Settlements in Arizona," 277. 

2. Eldred D. Wilson, "History of Mining in Pima County, Arizona" 
(Tucson: Tucson Chamber of Commerce, ca. 1952), 3; J.B. Tenney, 
"History of Gold Mining in Arizona," in History of Mining m Arizona 
(Phoenix: Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, 1963), 14; Willis, 
"Mining Opportunities Around Tucson Hold Great Promise," 26; "Mineral 
and Water Resources of Arizona," 118; Tenney, "History of Mining in 
Arizona," l:6; Frank P. Knight, "Mining in Arizona: Its Past, Its 
Present, Its Future" (Phoenix: Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, 
January 1958), 6; Cecil Todd, "Metal Mining and Its Associated Industries 
in Tucson," Journal of Arizona History 22 (Spring 1981), 100-101. 

3. Tenney, "History of Mining in Arizona," 1:7-10; Tenney, "History of 
Gold Mining in Arizona," 15; Todd, "Metal Mining and Its Associated 
Industries in Tucson," 103; W. Clement Eaton, "Frontier Life in Arizona, 
1858-1861," Southwestern Historical Quarterly 36 (January 1933), 191. 



86 



In 1872 the Apache leader Cochise reached a truce with General 
O.O. Howard. Mining now seemed safe and the remainder of the decade 
proved a very active period for prospectors. High silver prices led 
miners to focus on that metal. The first new mine was the Silver King 
located three miles north of Superior. Tombstone received great notice 
after 1878. Nearly all of the large copper deposits were located at this 
time, but they remained relatively undeveloped from lack of adequate 
transportation. Since most copper mines and the territory's larger silver 
mines were in southern Arizona, the attention by 1879 focused there and 
Tucson soon became a mining center. 

Tucson became a mining center because of the Southern Pacific 
Railroad which reached that city from the west in March 1880. The 
crossing of Arizona by two continental railroads in 1880 and 1882 
permitted a dramatic increase in mining activity, especially for copper, 
since it became feasible to haul that bulky ore. The boom was also fueled 
by high metal prices. This situation did not last long, for in 1884 the 
price of copper began to fall. By 1886 all copper mining camps had 
closed except the big ones at Bisbee, Morenci, Globe, and Jerome. The 
value of silver also declined, and when the federal government removed it 
from use for coinage in 1893, mining stopped and never resumed except 
for short periods. Seemingly in this period, Arizonans turned in larger 
numbers than usual to other methods of obtaining money from their 
claims. It was frequently reported in 1888 and 1889 that it was a common 
practice to have "outrageous transactions in palming off more or less 
worthless properties to innocent but credulous parties." 



4. "Mineral and Water Resources of Arizona," 118; Knight, "Mining in 
Arizona," 6; Jack L. Cross, Elizabeth H. Shaw, and Kathleen Scheifele, 
eds., Arizona : Its People and Resources (Tucson: University of Arizona 
Press, 1960), 247; Tenney, "History of Gold Mining in Arizona," 15; 
Tenney, "History of Mining in Arizona," I: 11-12. 

5. Wilson, "History of Mining in Pima County, Arizona," 3; C.A. 
Anderson, "Copper," in "Mineral and Water Resources of Arizona," 
Arizona Bureau of Mines Bulletin 180 (1969), 119; Tenney, "History of 
Mining in Arizona," I: 12-13; "What Hurts Mining in Arizona," The 
Engineering and Mining Journal 45 (January 21, 1888), 51; "Mining in 
Arizona," The Engineering and Mining Journal 47 (May 4, 1889), 409. 



87 



Although many miners turned to a search for gold with some success 

in the last decade of the nineteenth century, copper soon proved its 

worth. By 1896 the price of copper began to inch upward as a growing 

electrical industry caused a greater demand. As the twentieth century 

opened, copper became the most important metal in Arizona, and during 

the period 1898-1930 very little mining other than for that ore was done. 

The financial depression of 1907 reduced production which did not 

completely recover until the First World War. Several factors added to 

copper production in 1912 with the simultaneous development of 

large-scale mining procedures to exploit low-grade ore deposits, and the 

c 
discovery and perfection of the flotation process used for concentration. 

The 1930s depression severely crippled Arizona's mining industry. 
By 1933 copper production was only thirteen and one-half percent that of 
1929. Many mines closed for a time. In 1939 copper prices increased and 
production rose, but only the large low-grade mines survived and 
answered the call of the Second World War. These have continued until 
the present day. Two sites were added in the 1950s at San Manuel and 
the Pima District south of Tucson. They joined those of Ajo, 
Clifton/Morenci, and Globe. 

B. The Amole Mining District 

The Tucson Mountain Unit of Saguaro National Monument covers 
a portion of the Amole Mining District of Pima County (Figure 11). 
Geologically, this mountain chain was heaved upward and has many faults 
and folds. Lava flows, from the volcanics which occurred there, have 
been stripped off by erosion leaving the underlying rock exposed. The 



6. Tenney, "History of Gold Mining in Arizona," 15-16; Anderson, 
"Copper," 125, 127; Twenty-First Annual Report of the United States 
Geological Survey to the Secretary of the Interior 1899-1900 , Part IV 
(Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1901), 169-170; Cross, 
Shaw, and Scheifele, eds., Arizona : Its People and Resources , 247; 
"Mineral and Water Resources of Arizona," 125. 

7. Anderson, "Copper," 130-134; Cross, Shaw, and Scheifele, eds., 
Arizona : Its People and Resources , 251. 



88 



greater portion of the mountains is igneous rock. Ore bodies occur in 
veins along the faults and are generally small or of low grade. The most 
frequently occurring minerals include copper, lead, and silver, but 
occasionally some other ores such as molybdenum have been mined. In 
addition limestone on the western side of the range was used to 
manufacture lime. 

Although the Amole was a miscellaneous Pima county district, its 
history in the ebb and flow of mining activity paralleled that of the other 
districts except at the beginning. Spanish, Mexican, and early Anglo 
mineral exploration and mining was centered farther south in Arizona with 
no existing evidence to indicate any such activity took place in the 
Tucson Mountains. The Nequilla, just southeast of the National 
Monument's boundary, was the first mine located in the Amole District on 
December 11, 1865. Jesus and Ramon Bustamenti, and Domingo Gallego 
recorded their claim on February 17, 1866. Two of the partners sold 
their interest to James Lee and William Scott in 1867. Lee and Scott 
obtained the final third in 1871. When they patented their claim on 
September 28, 1872, it was the first mining claim to be patented in 
Arizona Territory. Apache warfare in the post Civil War period 
prevented Lee and Scott from developing their property. Three raids in 
1867 resulted in the death of a hired hand and the loss of livestock. 
After the 1872 truce, the partners returned and by early 1875 had dug a 
shaft to the 120 foot level with plans to expand it another fifty feet. As 
was the case with other miners in the 1870s, they concentrated on 
extracting silver ore which they shipped to a San Francisco smelter via 
Guaymas, Mexico. Lee and Scott operated their mine until the early 1880s 
when the depression forced them to close. At that time they had 
reportedly produced $70,000 in silver. 



8. Olaf P. Jenkins and Eldred D. Wilson, "A Geological Reconnaissance 
of the Tucson and Amole Mountains," University of Arizona Bulletin No . 
106 , Geological Series No . 2 (1920), 9, 12, 15, 16; J.B. Tenney, "The 
Mineral Industries of Arizona," University of Arizona Bulletin No . 125 , 
Annual Review Series No . 1 (February 15, 1928), 65; J.B. Tenney, 
"Second Report on the Mineral Industries of Arizona," University of 
Arizona Bulletin No . 129 , Biennial Review Series No . 2 (July 1, 
1930), 70. 



89 



Key to the Claims in the Northern Part 
of the Amole Mining District 



1. 


Alta 


20. 


L. Martin Waer 


2. 


Azurite 


21. 


Margarite 


3. 


Bonanza Park 


22. 


McQuane 


4. 


Bosques 


23. 


New State 


5. 


Buena Vista 


24. 


Old Yuma 


6. 


Cimaron 


25. 


Orient 


7. 


Copper Bell 


26. 


Ramage 


8. 


Copper Crown 


27. 


Ronco Flores 


9. 


Copper King (Mile Wide) 


28. 


St. Louis 


10. 


Copper Mountain 


29. 


St. Paul 


11. 


Copper Queen 


30. 


San Fernando 


12. 


Copper Top 


31. 


San Francisco 


13. 


Esmeralda 


32. 


San Miguel 


14. 


Esperanza 


33. 


Sibley 


15. 


Ferguson 


34. 


Silver Moon 


16. 


Garcilla 


35. 


Stinson 


17. 


Gould 


36. 


Washington 


18. 


Henry Waer 


37. 


Woofenden 


19. 


Jimmy Lee 







90 



£ < 




CO Z 

2 D 



i§ 

Z w 

- O 
S D 

_l •" 

< 

a. 

O 

z 

Q. 



It was not to reopen for many years. In the meantime Austin Moss 

replaced Lee as Scott's partner by 1907. Scott, in turn, took over the 

operation and sold it to his son at the onset of the First World War. His 

son sold it to W.A. Weaver about 1922. Now called the Jimmie Lee Mine, 

Weaver reopened it for a short period in early 1923. It soon closed, 

9 
never to be worked again, when profits were not forthcoming. 

Registration of mining claims began to increase after 1872. The 
description of claim locations, however, is so vague that it is impossible 
to locate most of them. Except for the Nequilla, few of the 1870s claims 
seemed to have had mining activity. Instead, they were mainly held for 
speculation. Richard Hinton in his 1878 book noted that there had not 
been a large amount of metals yet located in the Tucson area as compared 
with the region to the south. Ameliano Lopez was one of the more active 
prospectors in the period. In 1874 he filed a claim which he called 
Independence. This was followed in 1878 with the Cymbeline in 
partnership with Charles A. Shibell. The following year he, with James 

Blade and J.W. Murphy, filed on the Silver Moon, Lola Lopez, and New 

10 
Strike. A. Caballero located the Buena Vista in 1877. 

The speculative ventures of the 1870s turned a profit in the early 
1880s when high metal prices and the coming of the Southern Pacific 
Railroad to Tucson increased the interest in the Amole District. Ameliano 
Lopez and his partners found a Grand Rapids, Michigan group that was 
interested in buying most of their claims. In early 1880 the Silver Moon 
Mining Company became the owner of the Silver Moon, Lola Lopez, and 



9. Mines-Arizona-Nequilla (Nahuila), Ephemera file, Arizona Historical 
Society, Tucson; James Lee folder in the Hayden file, Arizona Historical 
Society, Tucson; Arizona Citizen (Tucson), February 13, 1875, October 
20, 1877; Arizona Mining Journal , May 1, 1923; Tenney, "History of 
Mining in Arizona," I: 278; "The Pima and Santa Cruz Mining Field" 
(Tucson: The Tucson Citizen, May 1907), 12. 

10. Mineral Surveys 231, 371, 372, 435, and 876, Bureau of Land 
Management Records, Phoenix, Arizona; Richard J. Hinton, The 
Hand-Book to Arizona : Its Resources , History , Towns , Mines , Ruins and 
Scenery (New York: American News Co., 1878), 52. 



92 



New Strike claims and went so far as to patent them between 1882 and 
1885. The company concentrated on the Silver Moon claim (which today 
lies partly in the southeast corner of the national monument) where they 
dug two shafts - one a hundred feet deep and the other to the 
fifty-foot-level. Lopez sold the Cymbeline to William Zeckendorf, a 
Tucson merchant, and his Michigan partner. It was proclaimed one of the 
finest mines in the district. The Santa Rita Land and Mining Company, 
whose interests lay mainly to the south of Tucson, purchased the Buena 
Vista claim from Caballero in 1880. Despite the fact that part of the claim 
boundary was in conflict with the Silver Moon Company's New Strike 
claim, it was patented in 1884. Probably the most famous of the Tucson 
Mountain claims, the Old Yuma Mine, which is located just east of the 
National Monument's boundary, was filed during this period. Extensive 
exploratory work occurred with only limited production. Its greatest 

notoriety came from the quantities of beautiful Vanadinite and Wulfenite 

11 
crystals found there. 

With great expectation of the silver potential of the Amole District, 
the Arizona Star cheered on the mining activity of the early 1880s. It 
stated, "even in the Tucson range to the west of the city, the precious 
metals are found in great abundance, and of no mean character." The 

yields did not bear out the enthusiasm and after 1884, with declining 

12 
prices, the mines closed. 

All hope of a future for silver mining did not die in the latter 1880s. 
In 1888 there was a report of the discovery of ledges of silver/lead ore in 
the Amole District. This brief flutter of expectancy brought the sale of 
the Cymbeline claim to the Silver Moon Mining Company. Some other 



11. Mineral Surveys 231, 371, 372, 435, and 876; Sorin, Hand-book of 
Tucson , 27; Dick Jones, "Old Yuma Mine" (Typescript in the Arizona 
Department of Mineral Resources, Phoenix, Arizona, September 4, 
1980), 1. 

12. Arizona Star (Tucson), January 4, 1882; "The Pima and Santa Cruz 
Mining Field," 3; Mineral Survey 876. 



93 



claims were sold to such eastern concerns as the Westinghouse and 

Disston Companies. The demonetization of silver in 1893 ended any 

13 
prospects of developing silver mines. 



Gold, commanding a higher price than other metals, attracted the 
attention of miners for a time in the 1890s. Some thought they had found 
gold in the Amole District. Just east of the National Monument boundary 
Martha Woffenden filed a claim for the Woffenden Gold Lode in January 
1891 and had it patented in August 1893. Bernabe Brichta reportedly 
found gold in such abundance that it held the potential for a "wonderful 
bonanza." The expected production never materialized and mining 
activity became so inconsequential that a feature on Pima County mining 

in the special 1895 New Years edition of the Arizona Citizen did not 

14 
mention the Amole District. 

As the price of copper rose at the end of the century, prospectors 

focused their attention almost entirely on that metal. Copper was then 

15 
thought to be the predominant mineral in the Amole District. With that 

belief, the greatest rush to stake claims in the Tucson Mountains 

occurred in the 1897-1908 period. Again, the purpose of filing claims was 

mainly for speculation, since most attempts at mining occurred when 

others purchased the claims. Another period of low metal prices followed 

in the wake of the 1907 depression and caused mines to close. 

Some of the first claims to be filed in 1897 were located in the 
southeast corner of the present-day monument. George Wheatley and H. 
Harrison staked adjoining claims to the Jumbo, Iron Mountain, Iron Chief, 
and Apex in April 1897. To this they added the Colorado in February 



13. "Mining in Arizona," The Engineering and Mining Journal 45 
(May 19, 1888), 362; Mineral Survey 876. 

14. Mineral Survey 1083, Bureau of Land Management, Phoenix, Arizona; 
Arizona Weekly Enterprise (Tucson), August 31, 1893; Arizona Citizen 
(Tucson), Special New Years Edition, January 1, 1895. 

15. "The Pima and Santa Cruz Mining Field," 4. 



94 



1900. Soon thereafter, they sold to Olin G. McWain, William Fox, and 
H.W. Westlake. These three men set about to develop their property. 
By late 1902 they had five discovery shafts, five discovery cuts, and 
three discovery tunnels on the five claims. The shafts were each ten 
feet deep, while the longest tunnel was thirty feet. Very little additional 

work was done, but the partners were sufficiently optimistic to obtain a 

1 fi 
patent on each claim in July 1909. 

In the late 1890s L. Martin Waer came to Tucson after having lived 
in several mining areas in Colorado, Alaska, and California. Still 
interested in mining, he and Pedro Pellon filed fifteen claims between 1899 
and 1906 on land now situated around the Mile Wide Mine within the 
Tucson Mountain Unit boundary. Their claims included the Copper King 
(later called the Mile Wide) on which they did sink an exploratory shaft. 
By the 1907 depression they had reached a depth of eighty-six feet 
without great success. 

Between 1899 and 1903 Bernabe Brichta and his brothers switched 
from their pursuit of gold to copper. Among their claims were the Uncle 
Sam, International, and Josephine which were described as being two 
miles west of the Old Yuma Mine. That location would have placed them 
within the National Monument boundary. The Brichtas made an attempt at 
mining and sank several shafts to a depth of twenty-five feet. In 1901, 
however, they began to sell their claims to the Arizona Copper Mining 
Company which was headquartered in Los Angeles. Three years later the 
Arizona Star proclaimed that that company would become one of the 
largest bullion producers in Arizona because the hill on which the Uncle 



16. Mineral Survey 1709, Bureau of Land Management, Phoenix, Arizona. 

17. District Ranger, Tucson Mountain Division, Saguaro NM to Chief 
Ranger, Saguaro NM, April 28, 1968, Western Regional Office Files, San 
Francisco; Mineral Survey 3978, Bureau of Land Management, Phoenix, 
Arizona; "Reports on Tonnage in Pima and Santa Cruz Cos Arizona," 
(Typescript in the University of Arizona Library Special Collections, 
Tucson, Arizona, ca. 1906), np. 



95 



Sam mine was located seemed "to be full of rich copper," while the 
International had a ten-foot-wide ledge of that ore. Five months later the 
Star reported that "until recently very little faith has existed as to their 
[Tucson Mountains] mineral resources." That newspaper felt there was 
every indication of large mines to be developed. Its support for this 
belief was based on the findings of the Arizona Copper Mining Company. 
That concern, which had been at work for four years, had had a 
"splendid showing." The deepest shaft was on the Uncle Sam claim at 
eighty-five feet. Every foot of the shaft was in ore, according to a 
mining man who expressed astonishment at what he saw. It was obvious, 
the Star deduced, that the company had valuable property which only 
needed further development. The company, however, never proved the 

worth of its holdings and ended its operations in 1908 after suffering a 

18 
setback in the depression. 

Some men, like Otto Metchke who filed at least two dozen claims 
between 1901 and 1908, had no success in even selling their property, 
but one company out of all those in the Amole District did succeed in 
developing a producing mine in the early twentieth century. Sometime 
around 1906 S.H. Gould filed on nineteen claims for the Gould Copper 
Mining Company. He proceeded to develop a shaft which by 1907 had 
reached a depth of 165 feet. As was the case with other mining 
companies, Gould encountered financial problems with the onset of the 
1907 depression, but he succeeded in obtaining operating funds by taking 
a mortgage with the Pioneer Smelting Company from nearby Sasco. 
Gould's continued mining led to another burst of enthusiasm by the 
Arizona Star in 1908. The newspaper declared that recent developments 
at that operation showed that the Tucson Mountains had been overlooked 
as an important copper area. It reported that the company had a shaft 
down nearly 375 feet. A thirty-five foot wide vein of chalcopyrite 
(copper) was found at the 100 foot level. At the 200 foot level that vein 
broadened to a width of sixty feet. On this occasion, however, the Star 



18. Arizona Republican (Phoenix), December 6, 1900; Arizona Star 
(Tucson), September 24, 1904, February 26, 1905. 



96 



did report a realistic assay of three to four percent copper content in 

19 
each ton of ore. 



For some unknown reason Gould had a Los Angeles mining engineer, 
Walter Wishon, look over the mine in mid-1908. Wishon reported that the 
development consisted of a 360-foot-deep working shaft which had cross 
cuts and drifts on the 100, 200, and 300 foot levels. Thirty tons of ore 
that had been shipped to an El Paso smelter sampled 8.6 percent copper. 
Another 100 tons sent to the Old Dominion Smelter in Globe contained 3.2 
percent copper. Wishon's own ore analysis showed 3.2 percent copper, 
26.0 percent silica, 25.1 percent iron, 1.26 percent aluminum, 13.2 
percent lime, and 19.0 percent sulphur. The gold and silver content was 
so low that no percentage was given. He felt that the construction of a 
smelter on site was imperative because shipping costs reduced the profit 
from such low grade ore. He concluded that since there was a geological 
similarity between the Gould and the very productive Silver Bell mine 

some thirty miles distant, the Gould could be just as productive when it 

20 
reached the Silver Bell's depth of 1,200 feet. 

Financial difficulty again beset the Gould Company by the end of 
1908. It managed to survive for several years by shipping excavated ore 
which had been stockpiled at the mine. It probably ceased shipments 
sometime in 1911. By 1913 the Pioneer Smelting Company threatened to 



19. Robert D. O'Brien and L.S. Zentner, "Report of Mining Property 
Investigations, Saguaro National Monument, Tucson Mountains Section" 
(San Francisco: National Park Service, Western Region Office, April 
1973), n.p.; Tenney, "History of Mining in Arizona," I: 279; Arizona 
Star (Tucson), April 14, 1908. 

20. Walter W. Wishon to S.H. Gould, President and General Manager of 
the Gould Copper Mining Company, July 6, 1908, Folder, Gould Mine, 
Pima County, Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, Phoenix; Report 
of W.W. Wishon, Mining Engineer, Los Angeles, Cal. to President, Gould 
Copper Mining Company, July 6, 1908, Gould Copper Mining Company 
File, Arizona Bureau of Geology and Mineral Technology, Tucson. 



97 



foreclose on the mortgage. A stockholders' meeting was called to discuss 
methods to resist foreclosure. The stockholders' lawyer advised that the 
election of a new board of directors might cause Pioneer Smelting to be 
receptive to a compromise and thus prevent foreclosure. Gould agreed to 
step down from leadership. Negotiations, however, did not bring a 
settlement. By early 1915 the company was forced into bankruptcy and 
on April 28 its claims were sold at a sheriff's auction. They were 
purchased by Douglas Gary of Tombstone who made no immediate attempt 

to operate the mine. For all the effort and investment only 45,000 

21 
pounds of copper with a value of $9,000 had been taken from the mine. 

High metal prices, engendered by the First World War, resulted in a 
resurgence of mining in the Tucson Mountains. Although this period 
witnessed the advent of large mining corporations in several Pima County 
districts, the Amole District remained the domain of the speculator and 
small-time operator. Mining continued through the 1920s although on a 

diminished scale. It also brought the only scandal of any note recorded 

22 
for the district. 

Despite the returned enthusiasm, mines really did not prove to be as 
valuable as expected. Douglas Gary began to remove the water from the 
Gould mine in August 1916 and made plans to ship ore to El Paso. He 
failed to achieve his goal and by June 1918 sold his venture to a Utah 
group. The new owners did not take advantage of their investment 



21. Arizona Star (Tucson), May 5 and June 12, 1910, April 29, 1915; 
Letter sent to Gould Mine stockholders, December 3, 1913, Folder, Gould 
Mine, Pima County, Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, Phoenix; 
Fred W. Fickett to John H. Campbell, stockholders' lawyer, December G, 
1913, Folder, Gould Mine, Pima County, Arizona Department of Mineral 
Resources, Phoenix; Morris J. Elsing and Robert E.S. Heineman, "Arizona 
Metal Production," University of Arizona Bulletin No . 40 , Economic Series 
No . 19, (February 15, 1936), 98. 

22. Willis, "Mining Opportunities Around Tucson Hold Great 
Promise," 30. 



98 



either. H.S. Diller of New York purchased the mine in 1929, but he did 

23 
no work on the property. 



The Old Yuma Mine, which had attracted little attention since the 
1880s, was purchased in November 1914 for $50,000 by W.J. Laffey. He 
intended to mine molybdenum, but evidently changed his mind and sold 
the property to Epes Randolph in April 1915. Randolph immediately set 
out to open the mine. In early 1916 he constructed a mill which could 
handle 100 tons of ore a day. Some molybdenum was obtained from the 
mine, but not enough to draw attention. The owner concentrated on 

removing Wulfenite for its lead content. With expenses exceeding income, 

24 
Randolph closed the mine in 1918. 

Since hope springs eternal, a group of New York financiers leased 
the Old Yuma Mine in September 1920. It was reported that a sample of 
ore exposed at the 300 foot level assayed lead, copper, gold, and silver 
at a value of $82.50 per ton. The sample belied the true worth of the 
mine's mineral content, however, and the New York group did not renew 
the lease. James Reilly, H.K. Love, and T.P. Stines of St. Paul, 
Minnesota in a flurry of optimism purchased the mine in April 1923. They 
formed the Arizona Concentrating Minerals Recovery Company and 
announced their intent to install machinery which would permit them to 
further develop the property. Soon it was reported that ore being mined 
was complex, containing gold, silver, lead, molybdenum, and vanadium. 
Love and Stines were not impressed, apparently, and left the company six 
weeks later. Reilly reorganized the concern as the International Ore 
Separation Company. Making slow progress, he had only shipped one 
railroad car of ore by June 1924 and had another ready for transport. 



23. Arizona Citizen (Tucson), August 20, 1916; "Pima County Review," 
Arizona Mining Journal 2 (June 1918), 38. 

24. The Engineering and Mining Journal 98 (November 21, 1914), 935; 
Jones, "Old Yuma Mine," 1; Jenkins and Wilson, "A Geological 
Reconnaissance of the Tucson and Amole Mountains," 16-17. 



99 



Very little headway occurred through the remainder of 1924 and 1925. As 
a consequence, the mine closed in 1926 leaving a large pile of ore on the 
dump. In the period 1916 to 1926 the Old Yuma Mine produced 70,000 
pounds of lead valued at $5,000 and some silver with an equal worth. 
The amount of molybdenum evidently did not merit mentioning, for it was 
never listed. 

In June 1914 L. Martin Waer, who came to Tucson in the late 1890s 
and filed a number of claims with Pedro Pellon, entered into an 
arrangement whereby the Morgan Consolidated Gold and Copper Mining 
Company took an option to buy his Copper King (Mile Wide) Mine along 
with thirty-one other claims and a mill site. Expectations ran high that 
L. Pierpont Morgan, the company president, would begin mining by 
September and would soon build a 250-ton smelter at the mine. A report 
on the claims indicated that the Copper King had the deepest shaft (Waer 
had supposedly reached the eighty-six foot level in the mine by the time 
he shut down in 1907). Despite finding a dearth of minerals, the report 
stated that surface indications showed the claims to be "very valuable" 
copper property. Morgan, however, seemed to be smarter than the 
average person interested in investing in Tucson Mountain mines. He let 
the option expire. 

Waer soon found someone else to take his mining claims and thus 
began the biggest scandal to involve the Amole District. Charles Reiniger 
arrived in Tucson in the mid-summer of 1915 from Mexico. The revolution 



25. "Concentrated Mining Activities from Arizona, Western New Mexico, 
Sonora," Arizona Mining Journal 4 (October 15, 1920), 21; Arizona Mining 
Journal 6 (May 15, 1923), 26-27; 7 (July 15, 1923), 28; 7 (September 1, 
1923), 30; 8 (June 1, 1924), 30; Elsing and Heineman, "Arizona Metal 
Production," 98. 

26. Vantyne Pritchard, "Report on the Properties of the Morgan 
Consolidated Mining Co. and known as Copper King Group," ca. July 
1914, Copper King Mining Co. - Tucson Mountains File, Arizona Bureau 
of Geology and Mineral Technology, Tucson; Arizona Star (Tucson), 
June 8, 1914, January 22, 1916. 



100 



there had forced him to leave his mining interests. After looking over 
the mining situation around Tucson, he became interested in property in 
the Amole District. Reiniger and J.H. King met with L. Martin Waer and 
together signed an option on January 21, 1916 to purchase Waer's claims. 
They gave Waer $1,000 as a down payment with another $74,000 due when 
the option expired in four years. Reiniger organized a corporation on 
May 24, 1916 which he named the Mile Wide Copper Company which 
reflected the fact that the width of the optioned land was one mile. 
Capital stock was listed at five million shares with a value of one dollar 
per share. Reiniger then went back east to Pittsburgh where he 
convinced Charles Freeman to purchase 80,000 shares of his stock at half 
price. Upon returning to Tucson by July 5, Reiniger appointed a board 

of directors who elected him president. Miss L.E. Jettinghoff, his 

27 
secretary, was among the three directors whom he controlled. 

In the meantime Reiniger began to develop his interests with the 
money he received from Freeman. He concentrated on the Copper King 
mine which he renamed the Mile Wide mine. Work began on Waer's old 
shaft where he extracted some ore before he decided it was not adequate. 
As a result, Reiniger started a new shaft up the hill from the old one. 
His workforce of fifty men found ore at ninety-five feet which assayed 
four percent copper. Needing more money to continue, Reiniger 
contracted with the Lyon and Singer Company of Pittsburgh in September 

po 

1916 to begin selling 510,000 shares of stock at one dollar per share. 

Reiniger had very good timing. After keeping the country aware for 
most of 1916 that he was developing a mine in the Tucson Mountains, he 
quickened the pace in 1917. The Star broke the "sensational news" on 
February 2 that a chalcopyrite (copper) deposit had been found on a 200 
foot level crosscut of the Mile Wide mine which had "remarkable purity." 



27. Arizona Citizen (Tucson), May 20, 1920; Arizona Star (Tucson), 
September 9, 1923. 

28. Ibid. 



101 



The ore averaged almost twenty percent copper. Not to be outdone, the 
Citizen followed on February 14 with a full page story, including 
pictures, of Reiniger and his operation. It concluded that the Mile Wide 
would be equal, if not superior, to the Magma or Verde Extension which 
were two of Arizona's biggest copper mines. A Star report on March 5 
indicated that Reiniger had made the largest copper strike in southern 
Arizona. Ore was running thirty-five to forty percent copper. The mine 
superintendent was quoted as having said that the strike was "one of the 
richest I have ever seen in Arizona." Reiniger seized the opportunity to 

telegraph the Lyon and Singer Company of his find. The Arizona Mining 

29 
Journal , which had just been established, kept abreast of the activity. 

In early September 1917 Reiniger contracted to ship his ore to the 
Sasco Smelter. The first carload arrived on September 10. By October 
the Mile Wide workers had reached the 360 foot level with drifts each 
hundred feet. At that point the mine's six trucks began to haul more 
than fifty tons of ore daily to Tucson for rail shipment to Sasco. By this 
time the Citizen began to be more realistic by reporting the ore contained 
about eight percent copper. Reiniger, however, had gotten what he 
wanted from the earlier stories--an increase in stock sales. October also 

found Reiniger improving the road to the mine to make it possible to haul 

30 
twice the amount of ore daily. 

In 1918 reports on the Mile Wide dwindled and generally repeated 
what had been printed toward the end of 1917. During 1919 Reiniger all 
but faded from public notice. Then came January 1920 and with it the 
due date for the remainder of the option payment to L. Martin Waer. At 



29. Arizona Star (Tucson), February 2, March 5, 1917; Arizona Citizen 
(Tucson), February 14, March 10, 1917; "Mining Review," Arizona Mining 
Journal 1 (June 1917), 23; 1 (August 1917), 22. 

30. "Mining Review," Arizona Mining Journal 1 (October 1917), 22; 
Arizona Citizen (Tucson), October 6, 1917; Ajo Copper Miner , 
October 12, 1917. 



102 



that point Reiniger could not be found. No funds remained in the 
company treasury. So, on May 20, 1920 the Mile Wide stockholders filed 
suit against Reiniger and the company. By August an application was 
made to place the Mile Wide into receivership. In March 1921 the story of 
Reiniger's dealings became public. It was learned that he had taken half 
the money derived from the sale of company stock for himself. In 
addition he had sold up to $100,000 of his own stock before he 
disappeared. The stockholders asked that Reiniger be declared a trustee 
for the corporation so he could be required to account for the money. 

During the hearings the judge referred to Reiniger as "a promoter in the 

31 
fullest sense of the term." 

The case of the Mile Wide Copper Company came before the court on 
May 16, 1921. Newspapers reported that Reiniger was accused of 
disposing of $350,000 for which there was no accounting. Litigation 
lasted more than a year. Finally, in early January 1923 a decision was 
reached. As expected, it went against Reiniger. He was ordered to pay 
$134,350.98 into the company treasury as unaccounted money from the 
sale of stock and $15,000 in attorney's fees. In addition he was required 
to endorse over to the company all stock he held and to deliver all deeds 
of conveyance on his interests in the mining claims. In the absence of 
Reiniger and without assets the company was forced to liquidate its 
holdings. Its properties were sold on August 29, 1923 to the Union 

Copper Company of Pittsburgh. The equipment was auctioned in January 

32 
1924 and brought $3,000. Reiniger's whereabouts remained unknown. 

The Union Copper Company purchased L. Martin Waer's interests and 
had a mineral survey made of the claims in April 1925 with the intent to 



31. Arizona Citizen (Tucson), May 20, 1920, March 6, 1921; Arizona Star 
(Tucson) August 2, 1920. 

32. Arizona Citizen (Tucson), May 20, 1921; Arizona Star (Tucson), 
September 9, 1923; Arizona Mining Journal 6 (January 15, 1923), 41; 
7(January 15, 1924), 26. 



103 



patent them. The claims, however, were never patented. After several 
hundred feet of development work on the Mile Wide mine, the company 
closed its operation. In early 1929 H.S. Diller and Associates purchased 
the property, installed mining equipment, and began operation. Later in 
that year the shaft had reached a depth of 425 feet. The largest ore 
vein was located at the 200-foot-level and averaged 3.5 percent copper. 
By early 1930 the depression forced the company to reduce its work. 
Although it was listed on July 1, 1930 as the principal company in the 
Amole District, its workforce was less than five men. It soon ceased to 
operate. A survey of the area in 1932 noted the buildings in the 
deserted mining camp and stated "the land is to be used for recreation 
purposes." At that point the Mile Wide had produced 70,000 pounds of 

copper valued at $10,000 and $15,000 in silver. Most of that production 

33 
occurred in the Reiniger period. 

L. Martin Waer was a busy man promoting the sale of Amole District 
Mining property during the First World War. In addition to selling 
options on a number of claims to Charles Reiniger, he sold options on 
some twenty-two claims to three Chicago men the spokesman for whom was 
C.H. Holmes. This real estate, located east of the present-day National 
Monument boundary, comprised the Woffenden, Hamburg, Wedge, Ysabel, 
Blumide, Silver Glance, and Azurite claims. The new owners renamed 
their holdings the Bonanza Park mines. In his contribution to a 
promotional pamphlet, Waer left the impression that the property could 
prove to be more valuable than the United Verde at Jerome. After minor 



33. Tenney, "History of Mining in Arizona," I: 280, II: 478; Mineral 
Survey 3978, April 13-30, 1925, Bureau of Land Management, Phoenix, 
Arizona; Arizona Citizen (Tucson), April 12, 1929; Arizona Republic 
(Phoenix), July 14, 1929; Arizona Star (Tucson), June 16, August 8, 
1929; Tenney, "Second Report on the Mineral Industries of Arizona," 
70-71; William E. Hiester, "Field Notes of the Survey and Resurvey of a 
Portion of the Subdivisional Lines, Completing the Survey of Township 13 
South, Range 12 East, and, Retraced Boundaries of Patented Mineral 
Claims in said Township, Book 3972, February 27-March 15, 1932, Bureau 
of Land Management, Phoenix; Elsing and Heineman, "Arizona Metal 
Production," 98. 



104 



development the owners decided they would not find a bonanza and 
abandoned the operation. Waer, who got the claims back, found new 
buyers in 1929. He sold them with some other property to H.S. Diller and 
Associates of New York. That company concentrated on the Mile Wide 
mine and did not develop the Bonanza Park holdings before it dissolved in 
late 1930. 34 

Just outside the monument, near the Silver Moon, another highly 
touted claim, the Silver Lillie, came under development in late 1919. By 
the latter part of 1921 in an effort to presumably attract stockholders, it 
was reported that 40,000 tons of lead-silver ore had been blocked out in 
the mine. By the middle of the following year it was disclosed that the 
Silver Lillie contained an estimated $3,000,000 worth of high-grade ore. 
Work, though, had evidently not progressed as rapidly as the optimistic 
reports seemed to recount, for by early 1923 the company purchased 
equipment which would allow it to start active work. In August of the 
next year, after a five year development period, the owners had sunk a 
shaft through sixty feet of "marketable" ore. Before the Silver Lillie 
Mining Company ceased operation in late 1925, the mine shaft had reached 
the 200-foot- level. As had always been the case, expectations were never 
met by results. 

Another mine within the present-day National Monument boundary, 
the Mexicana, probably started just after the turn of the century under 
the spelling Mejicana. It had a hundred foot shaft before it closed 
during the 1907 depression. During the First World War some activity 



34. Arizona Star (Tucson), February 28, 1918; H.E. Brown, "Bonanza 
Park Mines" (Chicago: n.p., 1918); Arizona Citizen (Tucson), April 12, 
1929. 

35. Arizona Mining Journal 5 (September 15, 1921), 15; 6 (February 15, 
1923), 18; 8 (June 1, 1924), 30; 8 (August 15, 1924), 29; 9 (June 30, 
1925); "Silver Lillie Copper Mines of Arizona," Arizona Mining Journal 6 
(June 15, 1922), 40. 



105 



occurred on the property but, during its existence, it was never known 
as anything more than a "prospect." 



The 1930s depression dealt a severe blow to the limited mining in the 
Amole District. No mining occurred between 1932 and 1940, although 
Charlie Lemmon worked 500 tons of dump ore at the Old Yuma mine in 

1933. W.E. Holt of Tombstone took an option on that mine in 1937, but 

37 
let it lapse without operating it. 

The last hurrah for the Amole District began just before America's 
entrance into the Second World War. Three mines, Mile Wide, Gould, and 
Old Yuma were the sites of this activity. About 1941 L.M. Vreeland and 
Ralph Campbell leased the Mile Wide mine. The following year they 
applied for and received a Reconstruction Finance Corporation preliminary 
development loan to remove the water from the mine. By mid-1943 four 
carloads of ore had been shipped to the Hayden Smelter. The Mile Wide 

evidently proved unprofitable, for, by the end of the year, it had closed 

38 
never to reopen. 

By 1940 John Greenwood acquired the Gould Mine. In response to a 
state inquiry in 1941, he stated that he was not in operation. Production 
on a commercial basis would require an investment of $100,000 for enough 
equipment to extract 3,000 tons of ore per month containing 3.5 percent 
copper, he felt. A state mining engineer visited the Gould in 1942. He 



36. "Reports on tonnage in Pima and Santa Cruz Cos, Arizona," n.p.; 
Jenkins and Wilson, "A Geological Reconnaissance of the Tucson and 
Amole Mountains," 16. 

37. "Owners Mine Report," October 16, 1940, Arizona Department of 
Mineral Resources, Phoenix; The Engineering and Mining Journal 138 
(April 1937), 202. 

38. Mining Journal (Denver), November 15, 1942, June 30, 1943; "Active 
Mines in Southern District," January 1944, Arizona Department of Mineral 
Resources, Phoenix. 



106 



noted that the 350-foot-shaft contained water to just below the drift at 
the 100-foot-level . The engineer estimated the mine contained 100,000 
tons of ore with an average of four percent copper. Perhaps the 
engineer's report heartened Greenwood, for he soon applied for a $5,000 
Reconstruction Finance Corporation preliminary development loan. In the 
application he stated there was 53,000 tons of three percent copper ore 
indicated within the present confines of development which would yield in 
excess of 3,000,000 pounds of copper. The loan was granted, the water 
pumped from the mine, and some development work undertaken before 
Greenwood quit. In April 1945 he leased the property to E.C. Ertel who 
milled some copper before he, too, quit at the end of that year. Soon 

thereafter, Greenwood sold the mine to a group composed of Louis 

39 
Carrasco, Martin and Gilbert Waer, Elmer Dow, and Ed Brady. 

The new owners leased the Gould mine to Larry Drake in the early 
1950s. With six employees, he extracted 130 tons of ore between 
November 1, 1953 and March 1, 1954 and shipped it to the International 
Smelter in Miami, Arizona. Drake labored in difficult conditions since 
most of the old workings had caved and were under water. The ore he 
obtained contained about two percent copper. In addition Drake received 
a yield of fifty-one ounces of silver. That limited return evidently 

caused him to decide not to make the large expenditure necessary to 

40 
rehabilitate the entire mine. Drake ceased his mining activity. 



39. J.S. Coupal to John Greenwood, August 20, 1941, Folder, Gould 
Mine, Pima County, Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, Phoenix; 
Department of Mineral Resources, State of Arizona Field Engineers 
Report, September 25, 1942, Folder, Gould Mine, Pima County; 
Reconstruction Finance Corporation Preliminary Development Loan, Copper 
Bell (Gould) Mine, October 23, 1942, Folder, Gould Mine, Pima County; 
"Active Mines in Southern District," July 1, 1945, January 1, 1946. 

40. Department of Mineral Resources, State of Arizona Field Engineers 
Report, March 2, 1954 and May 17, 1954, Folder, Gould Mine, Pima 
County, Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, Phoenix; Columbia 
(Gould) Mine File, Amole Mining District, Pima County, Arizona, United 
States Bureau of Mines, Denver, Colorado. 



107 



By 1957 the Banner Mining Company acquired the Gould mine. That 
company made a request to the Bureau of Land Management in 1959 to 
restore 7,600 acres of adjacent public land to mining. It had been 
withdrawn from mining in 1929 and leased to Pima County as part of that 
governmental body's Tucson Mountain Park. On August 25, 1959 the 
Bureau announced its decision to open that land to mining. The ensuing 
public outcry over that decision, which would turn an area of desert 
beauty into an open pit mine, caused the Bureau of Land Management to 
revoke its order. Banner without the additional land for mining made no 

effort to develop the Gould. Its right to such activity at that mine 

41 
expired in 1975. 

About 1940 Grady Wilson leased the Old Yuma mine on which he 
sporadically produced dump ore and surface material. Extant Arizona 
Department of Mineral Resources records for the period 1944-48 indicated 
that Wilson's only activity for that time occurred in January to May 1944 
when he milled a small amount of lead and molybdenum. Local mineral 
collectors often visited the mine in the late 1940s and 1950s to collect 
spectacular wolfenite and vanadinite crystals. In 1958 Joe Davis filed 
three claims across the then abandoned mine area and an additional 

twenty-one claims in 1959. For several years he recovered mineral 

42 
specimens. 

The Bureau of Land Management Organic Act of October 22, 1979 
required that all unpatented claims be refiled or they would be considered 
abandoned. Several months later Dick Jones checked and found that no 
one had refiled on the Old Yuma Mine so he filed a new claim under the 



41. Department of Mineral Resources, State of Arizona Field Engineers 
Report, October 23, 1959, Folder, Gould Mine, Pima County, Arizona 
Department of Mineral Resources, Phoenix; Arizona Star (Tucson), 
September 10, 1959; Tucson Citizen , December 17, 1959. 

42. Jones, "Old Yuma Mine," 2-3; "Active Mines in the Southern 
District," January 1944 to February 1948. 



108 



name Comet. In early 1983 the Southwestern Mineral Associates 

purchased the claim from Jones. That concern, in turn, leased it to the 
Consolidated Mining and Milling Company. On May 3, 1983 the latter 
enterprise obtained permission from the Bureau of Land Management to 
operate a sodium cyanide leaching operation on the tailings. An area 
organization, the Tucson Mountain Association, out of concern over the 
potential effect of cyanide on the environment, worked to prevent access 
to the mine. The only two available roads crossed either private 
property or Saguaro National Monument. A United States District Court 
decision in October 1984 found that the mining company had no right to 
use either road. Consolidated Mining filed a counter suit. At that point 
it reached an agreement with the National Park Service. The company 
was given a one-year permit to use the road through the monument on a 
limited basis. Vehicles were limited to three-quarter ton vans and 
one-half ton pickups. During the year Consolidated Mining had to find 
an alternative access road. If such a road could not be found in that 
time, then a second, one-year permit would be issued. Any additional 
extensions would be granted only if the company could prove that it had 

actively tried to acquire another roadway. The company allowed its 

43 
one-year permit to lapse without requesting an extension. 

Aside from the current operation of the Old Yuma mine, which, 
although outside the National Monument boundary, still affects it, only 
two other claims remain active in the district. These claims include the 
Copper Kittle 1-4 and the Desert View 1-2 of which both sites are in the 
south half of section nine, T13S R12E and, therefore, partly within the 
Saguaro National Monument boundary. No mining activity occurs there. 
The owners have to this date made only the required yearly improvements 
to retain their claims. 



43. Jones, "Old Yuma Mine," 3; Tucson Citizen , June 14, 1984; Arizona 
Star (Tucson), May 24, 1984, June 20, November 1, 1985. 



109 



The Amole Mining District proved a disappointment with only erratic, 
low-grade mineral occurrence. Only two mines within Saguaro's Tucson 
Mountain Unit boundary ever produced any amount of ore. Even then, 
these two operations, the Gould and Mile Wide, provided more excitement 
to area residents about mining potential than any mining or economic 
impact they may have had on the community. 

C. The Rincon Mining District 

A portion of the Rincon Mining District covered the Rincon 
Mountain Unit of Saguaro National Monument. It proved to be the least of 
the Pima County districts with no known production ever recorded. Some 
of the earliest activity occurred within the monument boundary. In early 
1897 as copper prices began to recover from a prolonged low period, L. 
Martin Waer and two partners filed several mining claims near the Tanque 
Verde Mountains. By July of that year they were reported to be rapidly 
developing the property which was said to hold a promise of value. When 

Philip Contzen surveyed the area in September 1897 he noted the location 

44 
of their unnamed mining camp. 

Waer and his partners soon gave up on the venture. In April 1901 
they sold their claims to the Loma Verde Copper Company of Los Angeles. 
That concern employed twenty-five men. By October a shaft had been 
dug to the 100 foot level. Ore of sixteen percent copper was reported to 
be located in "the full width." By the end of 1902 the shaft had reached 
a depth of 350 feet with a drift at the 100 foot level and stations at the 
200 and 300 foot levels. The ore reportedly contained copper and gold 
which averaged $50 to $75 per ton. Despite the seeming value of the 
mine, it soon closed and faded from notice. By 1907 it was not included 



44. The Engineering and Mining Journal , July 10, 1897; Philip Contzen, 
"Field Notes of the Survey of the Subdivision lines of Township No. 14 
South, Range No. 16 East of the Gila and Salt River Base and Meridian in 
the Territory of Arizona," Book 877, September 23-29, 1897, Bureau of 
Land Management Files, Phoenix. 



110 



on a list which named four Rincon District mines. None of those mines 
was near the monument boundary. That 1907 publication, along with one 
of 1910, gave the district little attention, merely noting that it had not 
been developed as other mining areas of Pima County had been. The 

Loma Verde never revived and was filled by the Civilian Conservation 

45 
Corps while working in the area during the 1930s. 

Numerous other prospect holes and mine shafts indicate that the 
Loma Verde was not the only place of mineral exploration. In the 
mid-1930s the CCC filled thirty prospect holes in the saguaro forest area. 
Other shafts and prospects have been located on the monument, especially 
in the upper Rincon Wash area. Much of this activity probably occurred 
during the First World War. Superintendent Don Egermayer stated in his 
monthly report for March 1947 that he had caught two illegal prospectors 
on the monument. 

D. Lime Kilns 

Limestone was mined to manufacture lime in both units of 
Saguaro National Monument. Although as many as eight kilns were said 
to exist in the Rincon Unit, the remains of only four (two in each unit) 
have been identified. It was here that the stone was reduced to lime 
which was used for area building purposes. The remnants of other kilns 
are found outside the monument's Rincon unit indicating the manufacture 
of lime was a factor in the local economy. The beginning date for this 
industry cannot be established with any certainty. Tradition states that 
the first kilns were operated within the Rincon unit boundary to supply 
lime in the construction of Fort Lowell in 1873. David Faust, the current 
superintendent of Fort Lowell State Park, has said, however, that a 



45. Los Angeles Times , October 17, 1901; Mining and Scientific Press , 
January 24, 1903; "The Pima and Santa Cruz Mining Field," 18; William P. 
Blake, Sketch of Pima County , Arizona : Its Mining Districts , Minerals , 
Climate , Agriculture , and Other Resources (Tucson: Chamber of 
Commerce, 1910), 24. 



111 



search of the Fort Lowell records indicates that lime was not used at that 
post until 1882. Frank Tuck wrote that lime for building purposes was 
first produced in Arizona in 1894. Tuck, however, must have referred to 

two large commercial lime making plants--one near Prescott and the other 

46 
between Bisbee and Douglas. 

It is necessary to piece together what little evidence exists to reach 
a conclusion about lime manufacture in the Tucson area. The use of lime 
for whitewash and mortar in area construction would be a factor in the 
development of lime kilns. Anglos who passed through Tucson or resided 
in that village at least to 1875 seemed less than impressed with the 
collection of adobe houses. Writers of that period commented on the lack 
of whitewashed buildings. Street scene photographs taken during the 

period bear out the observations, for most structures had raw adobe 

47 
exterior walls. There was only one brick building in Tucson by 1875. 

The demand for lime for use as mortar or whitewash probably did 
not begin much before 1880. Even in that year Will C. Barnes described 
Tucson as "a sorry-looking Mexican town." The major factor for change 
to the village was the completion of the Southern Pacific Railroad track 
from the west to there in March 1880. The railroad brought prosperity 
as Tucson became an area center. Increased wealth produced a demand 
for better housing. An 1884 publication observed that Tucson had 
recently changed from a town of one-story adobe structures to one with 
many brick houses of more "pretentious" height and many brick buildings 



46. Tucson Citizen , July 24, 1969; Statement by David Faust to Berle 
Clemensen, May 2, 1986; Frank Tuck, History of Mining m Arizona 
(Phoenix: Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, revised 1963), 40. 

47. The Restoration of La Casa Cordova (Tucson: The Junior League of 
Tucson, Inc., 1978), 20; Walter Vail to Ned, November 23, 1875, Box 2, 
Item 2, Letters to Edward L. Vail by Walter L. Vail, Nathan Vail, H.R. 
Hislop and Trace Boldman during the years 1875-1876-1877, Edward L. 
Vail Papers, Arizona Historical Society, Tucson, Arizona. 



112 



in the business district. Coincidentally, Tucson newspapers began to 
carry their first advertisements for lime in the early 1880s. Since this 
lime was specifically mentioned as having come from California, it would 
appear that local lime was produced in limited quantities at the time. 
Because low mineral prices brought a depression to Tucson beginning in 
1885 and a consequent twenty-two percent population decline, there would 
not have been much of a stimulus for the development of a local lime 

industry through the remainder of the decade and into the first part of 

48 
the 1890s. 

The first written statements about lime kilns appeared in the 1890s. 
In mid-1896 the Citizen reported that a Juan Romero had died while 
working at his kiln about three miles from Tucson. Philip Contzen, while 
surveying subdivision lines in township 14, range 16 in September 1897, 
encountered an "old lime kiln" at the site of the remnants of the two kilns 
in the Rincon unit of the monument. It was not in operation at the time. 
He did not give a construction date. As for the Tucson Mountain kilns, 
a 1920 publication stated that limestone on the west side of that range 

had been used for many years to manufacture lime, but that none had 

49 
been burned for some time. 

Interviews have supplied additional information on kiln operations in 
the area. Ed Herreras said that the lime kilns at Snyder Hill southwest 
of Tucson began operating in the 1890s. Frank Escalante helped his 
brother make lime twice in the 1906-08 period in one of the two kilns in 
the Rincon Unit. They blasted the blue limestone rock from a nearby hill 



48. Frank C. Lockwood, Apaches & Longhorns : The Reminiscences of 
Will C. Barnes (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1982), 17; History 
of Arizona Territory Showing Its Resources and Advantages ; with 
Illustrations , Descriptive of j_ts Scenery , Residences , Farms , Mines , Mills , 
Hotels , Business Houses , Schools , Churches , Etc . , 255. 

49. Arizona Citizen (Tucson), July 14, 1896; Contzen, "Field Notes," 
Book 877; Jenkins and Wilson, "A Geological Reconnaissance of the Tucson 
and Amole Mountains," 16. 



113 



and hauled it by wagon to the kiln. It took four days and nights to 
make lime. The preferred wood for burning was green palo verde, but 
green mesquite was also acceptable. Ten to fifteen cords of wood would 
be consumed in the four day period. Finally, an article in the Citizen 
gave some further information. Carmen Moreno operated one of the 
Rincon Unit's kilns in the 1914 to 1917 period. He sold lime to Tucson 
building contractors for $10 per ton. Lime from those kilns was also used 
in the construction of the rock wall around the University of Arizona. 
The last two men to use the Rincon Unit kilns were Ygnacio Ramirez and 
Ramon Maldanado. They were forced to close the kilns by court order in 
1920 because the operation had used so many trees that the local 
ranchers' cattle were deprived of the tree seeds which were used for 

f M 50 

feed. 

On the basis of the available information it would seem that one of 
the two Rincon Unit kilns was possibly built in the 1880s. Philip Contzen 
saw only one "old" kiln there in 1897. Since two existed by 1906, the 
second was probably constructed around the turn of the century. The 
Tucson Mountain Unit kilns were probably built around the mid-1890s 
and, if Jenkins and Wilson were correct in stating in 1920 that the kilns 
in that range had not been used for many years, probably ceased to 
operate by 1910. Using population growth as a guide for construction 
demand and, therefore, lime, the greatest demand for locally produced 
lime would have occurred from the mid-1890s to 1920 when Tucson 
experienced a rapid growth. 



50. Telephone conversation with E.D. (Ed) Herreras by Berle 
Clemensen, April 28, 1986; Interview of Frank Escalante by Tom Carroll, 
SAGU, December 11, 1969, Saguaro National Monument Files; Tucson 
Citizen , July 24, 1969. 



114 






CHAPTER FOUR: THE ESTABLISHMENT OF SAGUARO NATIONAL 
MONUMENT AND IT'S ADMINISTRATION 



The desire to preserve the dense growth of saguaro cactus at the 
base of the Tanque Verde Mountains first surfaced in 1920, but went 
unfulfilled. Several interest groups reemerged by the late 1920s with 
differing ideas on the best approach to protect the cactus. As a result, 
an almost last-second flurry of activity by one individual resulted in the 
proclamation of a national monument in the last days of President Herbert 
Hoover's term. It was placed for a short time under the jurisdiction of 
the United States Forest Service. The result of this action produced a 
much larger boundary area than some interest groups thought necessary 
as a large part of the monument, with no cacti, was carved from National 
Forest land in the Rincon Mountains. To make matters worse the section 
containing saguaro was either privately owned or under the control of the 
University of Arizona. As a result it required years before the land 
status was solved. This uncertainty caused difficulties for the National 
Park Service in following its conservation mission, for without complete 
control this agency could not develop the area and had to permit 
activities which were at variance with its policies. 

The monument expanded in 1961 with the acquisition of the Tucson 
Mountain Unit. This segment had formed part of the Tucson Mountain 
Park which had been set aside in 1929 as a county recreation area. It 
had been developed by Pima County before the Park Service gained 
control of it. Pressure to permit copper mining in that section of the 
mountain park resulted in its transfer to the Park Service. 

A. Saguaro Becomes a National Monument 

The extremely thick stand of saguaro cactus about sixteen miles east 
of Tucson had undoubtedly been awe inspiring for many years before 
1920. No effort, however, was made to preserve these giant cactus until 
that year when the Natural History Society of the University of Arizona 
decided to act. That group tried to obtain some of the land, but failed 



115 



to accomplish its goal because of financial difficulties. Interest waned 
until 1928 when Homer Shantz, the president of the University of 
Arizona, became involved. As a botanist he was concerned about 
preserving that interesting part of the desert. In 1929 he tried to 
interest the National Park Service in his project, but, when a response 
was not forthcoming, Shantz decided to acquire that unique, natural area 
in order to maintain the desert conditions where experiments could be 
conducted free from man's interference. He contacted John Harrison, a 
Tucson resident, and commissioned him to purchase the rights on all 
tracts of land containing saguaro except those on which homestead 
requirements were being met. Harrison proceeded to purchase 480 acres 
of ground in sections 10 and 15 of Township 14S, Range 16 East for the 



University. Elsewhere he used University money to buy the rights for 

1 
the state. This expem 

that governmental entity 



1 
the state. This expense would then be added to other property held by 



After Harrison's initial success, Shantz wrote to him to express his 
appreciation and impart his dream for the area. He hoped to secure a 
nine square mile tract of the "Tanque Verde Cactus Forest" next to 
Coronado National Forest. Upon achieving that goal, Shantz believed that 
he could obtain a portion of the national forest and, thereby, have an 
area ranging from the desert floor to the top of one of the mountains. 
He actually had a joint project in mind. Not only would there be "a great 
natural area for maintaining the botanical and zoological forms of the 
Southwest under natural conditions," but he planned to establish an 

astronomical observatory in an area where it could be protected from any 

2 
hindrance of artificial light. 



1. H.L. Shantz, President of the University of Arizona, to Hubert 
Maier, Regional Direction (ECW), Oklahoma City, April 20, 1935, Folder, 
Saguaro NM, General Correspondence, November 17, 1933 to December 31, 
1935, Saguaro National Monument Files; H.L. Shantz to John E. Harrison, 
December 18, 1930, John Harrison Papers, University of Arizona Library 
Special Collections, Tucson (hereafter cited as JHP); H.L. Shantz to Arno 
B. Cammerer, Director, NPS, February 28, 1934 Box 2363, Folder, 
Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, Central Classified File 
1933-1949, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA. 

2. H.L. Shantz to John E. Harrison, December 18, 1930, JHP. 

116 



In the process of land acquisition one setback occurred, but it did 

not restrain the quest. Harrison learned that James Converse, a nearby 

rancher, had leased much of the land for grazing livestock. The only 

hope to remove man's mark on the terrain was for Shantz to convince 

Converse to assign his lease to the University. Converse, however, 

demurred. Despite this situation Harrison continued to pursue the 

purchase of additional land. His effort was aided on August 2, 1932, 

when President Hoover by executive order withdrew four and one-half 

sections of land in the heart of the saguaro area from homesteading and 

3 
assigned it to the state for the benefit of the University. 

In the meantime in early 1932 Frank Hitchcock, the publisher of the 
Arizona Citizen , talked to President Hoover and Secretary of the Interior 
Ray Lyman Wilbur about preserving an area of saguaro and associated 
plant life as a national monument. As a result, Park Service Director 
Horace Albright sent Yellowstone Superintendent Roger Toll to Arizona in 
February 1932 to look at several potential saguaro sites. (Albright often 
had Toll spend the winter months investigating proposed Park Service 
areas.) Toll reported in March that his first choice for a national 
monument would be the saguaro located sixteen miles east of Tucson at 
the foot of Tanque Verde Ridge. Since that area was controlled both by 
the University of Arizona and private citizens, it would be necessary to 
buy the required acreage. Toll estimated that it would take about 
$45,000 to purchase relinquishments from the settlers and another $28,000 
to pay the remaining sum the University owed on its land. He, 
therefore, told Albright that, if the Park Service could not secure the 
funds to purchase the area, it should be dropped from consideration as a 
monument. The Park Service, he felt, should not become involved in a 



3. Carroll Hudson, Deputy Arizona State Land Commissioner to John E. 
Harrison, March 20, 1931, JHP; John Harrison to Mrs. Hobart Johnson, 
Madison, Wis., May 23, 1931, JHP. 



117 



monument where a complicated land ownership situation would cause 
problems. 



Toll also looked at the area which Pima County had designated as 

Tucson Mountain Park. County officials told him that they would welcome 

consideration of the area by the National Park Service. Toll thought that 

it would be possible to create a national monument there, but "it seems to 

be about second in merit." Although the saguaro were dense on that 

land, they were young and, therefore, not as impressive as the heavily 

5 
branched ones east of Tucson. 

One year later, in February 1933, Toll returned to Arizona where he 
was approached by Hitchcock who expressed a concern about the slowness 
in having a monument created. Toll conveyed the message to Albright 
who telegrammed him that the Interior Department would not recommend a 
national monument at that time because of the land situation. This 
answer did not preclude there ever being a monument, for Albright asked 
Toll to study definite boundaries so that a beginning could be made in 
getting the land owners to consent to a land exchange. Albright thought 
that it was necessary to have government control of the area as a 
prerequisite to the creation of a monument. To do otherwise could mean 
administrative problems. Hitchcock did not agree with Albright. He 
believed that a monument should be proclaimed and the land ownership 
problem worked out later. Furthermore, he opposed the Park Service's 
idea of what generally should be included in the monument and wanted to 
have part of Coronado National Forest as well as adjacent private land 
included. 



4. Roger Toll to the Director, National Park Service, March 31, 1932, 
Saguaro National Monument files; "Report to Mr. H.R. Tillotson, Regional 
Director National Park Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico 
Concerning the Boundaries of Saguaro National Monument," 4-5. 

5. Roger Toll to the Director, National Park Service, March 31, 1932. 

6. "Report to Mr. H.R. Tillotson, Regional Director National Park 
Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico Concerning the Boundaries 
of Saguaro National Monument," 5-6; Charles Vorhies, Economic Zoologist 



118 






Believing that the Interior Department had dismissed his concerns, 
Hitchcock took another tact. Several days after receiving Albright's 
answer from Toll, he met with University President Shantz and Coronado 
National Forest Supervisor Fred Winn. Hitchcock was able to convince a 
reluctant Winn of the need for a monument. At first Winn did not think 
it necessary to release the amount of national forest land that Hitchcock 
wanted for the monument, but he relented when Hitchcock explained his 
plan to have the Forest Service administer it. At that point the three 
men drafted the provisions of a monument proclamation. To placate Winn 
and avoid problems with ranchers, a clause was added to the draft which 
permitted grazing on the monument. 

Since his influence resided in the Republican party, Hitchcock had 
only a short time to act before Hoover left office on March 4. As a 
result, he hurried to Washington, D.C. where he presented his draft 
proclamation to the Secretary of Agriculture who accepted the proposal. 
President Hoover concurred and by Executive Proclamation No. 2031 made 
Saguaro a national monument on March 1, 1933. The clause which allowed 

o 

grazing on the monument was stricken from the official version. 



6. at the University of Arizona, to H.C. Bryant, Asst. Director NPS, 
July 30, 1937, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 
30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 
1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. 

7. "Report to Mr. H.R. Tillotson, Regional Director National Park 
Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico Concerning the Boundaries 
of Saguaro National Monument," 7. 

8. "Report to Mr. H.R. Tillotson, Regional Director National Park 
Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico Concerning the Boundaries 
of Saguaro National Monument," 7; Charles Vorhies to H.C. Bryant, July 
30, 1937; Statutes of the United States of America Passed at the Second 
Session of the Seventy -Second Congress 1932-1933 and Concurrent 
Resolutions , Recent Treaties , Executive Proclamations , and Agreements , 
Proposed Amendment to the Constitution , Twentieth Amendment to the 
Constitution (Washington, D.C: Government Printing Office, 1933), 
121-122; Frank Pinkley to the Director, NPS, May 15, 1934, Folder, 
Saguaro NM - General Correspondence, November 17, 1933 to 
December 31, 1935, Saguaro National Monument files. Hitchcock served as 
Postmaster General in the William Howard Taft administration. 



119 



B . The Saguaro Boundary Dispute 

The best laid plans often go awry. After thirteen weeks under 
Forest Service administration, President Franklin D. Roosevelt transferred 
the jurisdiction over Saguaro and fifteen other monuments to the National 
Park Service by Executive Order 6166 issued on June 10, 1933. The date 
of reassignment was to take place on August 10. At the same time the 
Park Service became the Office of National Parks, Buildings, and 
Reservations, but the name was soon changed back to National Park 
Service. The reaction to the transfer of sixteen monuments caused a stir 
in the Park Service. Agency officials decided they did not want to 
accept six of the monuments including Saguaro. The decision, however, 
lay with the Secretary of the Interior. During the winter of 1933-34, 
while awaiting his judgment, the area ranchers led by James Converse 
tried to sway the decision in favor of leaving Saguaro under the Forest 
Service control. Converse, Mel vi 1 1 Haskell, and J. Rukin Jelks barraged 
their congressmen with letters and telegrams pointing out their fear that 
under Park Service control they would lose their grazing right on the 
monument; thus their ranches would be valueless. In addition they 
frequently visited Forest Supervisor Winn to urge him to action. In their 
desperation they pursuaded the state land commissioner to write to 
Senator Carl Hayden. These ranchers' congressmen, in turn, notified the 
Park Service Director of their constituents concerns. Director Cammerer, 
reinforced by Interior Secretary Harold Ickes, provided the opinion that 
land transferred from one agency to another would not mean that grazing 
would be automatically eliminated. In fact all valid rights would be 
respected. 



9. Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior for the Fiscal Year 
Ended June 30 , 1933 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 
1933), 154; Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior for the Fiscal 
Year Ended June 30, 1934 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing 
Office, 1934), 173; Telegram, James Converse to U.S. Representative 
Isabella Greenway, February 16, 1934, Box 2363, Folder Correspondence 
March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, 
Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the 
National Park Service, NA; James Converse to Isabella Greenway, 



120 



Others provided a different view of how Saguaro National Monument 
should be treated if it were administered by the Park Service. Harry 
Langley, a landscape architect from the Park Service's San Francisco 
office, visited the monument and advised that the eastern sixty-three 
square miles remain with the Forest Service because this area, which 
contained no saguaro, did not meet Park Service standards for scenery 
and "in fact is very ordinary." University President Shantz changed his 
position of several years earlier and declared that a large portion of the 
monument in no way contributed to its value. M.R. Tillotson, director of 

the Park Service's region three, echoed that sentiment as did Frank 

10 
Pinkley of the Southwestern Monuments. 



9. February 16, 1934, Box 2363, Folder Correspondence March 1, 
1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service, NA; Melvill H. Haskell to Senator Robert Bulkley, February 17, 
1934, Box 2363, Folder Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, 
National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, 
Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA; E.A. 
Sherman, Acting Forester to Carl Hayden, March 5, 1934, Box 201, 
Folder 19 - Saguaro National Monument, Revision of Boundaries, Establ. 
of Park, Buying Lands, Corresp. 1934-1951, Carl Hayden Papers, Arizona 
Foundation, Arizona State University Library, Tempe (hereafter cited as 
CHP); Howard J. Smith, Arizona State Land Commissioner to Senator Carl 
Hayden, February 28, 1934, Box 201, Folder 19 - Saguaro National 
Monument, CHP; "Report to Mr. H.R. Tillotson, Regional Director 
National Park Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico Concerning 
the Boundaries of Saguaro National Monument," 7; Representative Isabella 
Greenway to A.B. Cammerer, February 17, 1934, Box 2363, Folder 
Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, 
Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA; Arno B. Cammerer to Rep. Isabella 
Greenway, February 21, 1934, Box 2363, Folder Correspondence March 1, 
1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79; Records of the National Park 
Service, NA; Carl Hayden to Arno B. Cammerer, March 2, 1934, 
Box 2363, Folder Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, 
National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, 
Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. 

10. Harry Langley, Asst. Landscape Architect, San Francisco to T.C. 
Vint, Chief Landscape Architect, Washington, D.C., February 28, 1934, 
Folder Saguaro NM, General Correspondence November 17, 1933 to 
December 31, 1935, Saguaro National Monument Files; H.L. Shantz, Pres. 
of the University of Az. to Arno B. Cammerer, Director NPS, 
February 28, 1934, Box 2363, Folder Correspondence March 1, 



121 



Despite efforts to prevent it, the land entanglement situation, which 
Horace Albright had eschewed, came to pass. In a letter dated March 24, 
1934 Frank Pinkley was notified that the Secretary of the Interior had 
taken the position that Executive Order 6166 did transfer jurisdiction of 
Saguaro and the other five unwanted monuments to Interior where, as of 
that date, they would be officially placed under the Southwestern 
Monuments' management. This situation meant that the Park Service had 
acquired an area on which the main attraction, the saguaro, grew on land 

it did not own. The portion it did control consisted mainly of the 

1 1 
mountainous former national forest (figure 12). 

Determined that Saguaro National Monument would be administered by 
the Park Service, Director Cammerer decided that the most important 
project attending the monument was the purchase of the land held by 
inholders. Since the Park Service did not own any land in the more 
accessible areas of the monument, it was imperative to purchase or lease 
an area for a headquarters site. Cammerer did not propose to build a 
visitor center or utility area until the land was consolidated under federal 
ownership. Even then that development should be held to a minimum, he 
felt. Instead, Cammerer proposed to use the area as a research reserve 

in a manner similar to that envisioned by University President Shantz 

12 
several years previously. 



10. 1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service, NA; M.R. Tillotson to the Director, NPS, March 5, 1934, Folder 
Saguaro NM, General Correspondence November 17, 1933 to December 31, 
1935, Saguaro National Monument Files. 

11. Acting Director, NPS to Frank Pinkley, March 24, 1934, Box 2363, 
Folder Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National 
Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. The other five 
monuments were Chiricahua, Gila Cliff Dwellings, Sunset Crater, Tonto, 
and Walnut Canyon. 

12. Arno B. Cammerer, Director NPS to H.L. Shantz, President of the 
University of Az., March 24, 1934, Folder Saguaro NM, General 
Correspondence, November 17, 1933 to December 31, 1935, Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 



122 



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Consolidating the monument under Park Service control proved 
elusive. Lack of money and opposition to the size of the monument 
prevented the Park Service from assuming complete control. Local 
ranchers continued to press Forest Supervisor Winn to work for a return 
of the former forest section to the Forest Service. Frank Pinkley, too, 
thought it would be better to return the mountain portion of Saguaro to 
the Forest Service as a means of ending the ranchers' uproar over 
grazing. Director Cammerer, however, saw no reason to reduce the 
boundary. The ranchers should have no complaints, he thought, since 
"we have promised that we would not disturb the holders of existing 
grazing rights." 

The next move by the National Park Service was to ask the 
University to donate its land to the federal government. Since the 
depression had severely affected the University's finances, the Board of 
Regents refused to give the land to the federal government. Instead it 
pressured President Shantz to sell the land to the Park Service as a 
means of getting back the investment. Shantz, therefore, asked that the 
University receive $56,000 as reimbursement. Pinkley told him that no 
funds were available to buy the land. When asked again to give the land 
to the Park Service, Shantz absolutely refused. At this point in mid-May 
1935 pessimism enveloped the Park Service as to whether it would ever 

control the cactus area. If it could not gain control, then there would be 

14 
no value in keeping the monument. 



13. Frank Pinkley to the Director, NPS, May 15, 1934, Folder, Saguaro 
NM, General Correspondence, November 17, 1933 to December 31, 1935, 
Saguaro National Monument Files; Arno B. Cammerer, Director, NPS to 
Frank Pinkley, June 7, 1934, File G, Permits - C&H Coronado, Converse, 
Jas. P., Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson and the Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 

14. John Harrison to Frank Hitchcock, November 30, 1934, JHP; 
Memorandum for the Director, NPS by Ben H. Thompson, Asst. to the 
Director, October 4, 1935, Box 2363, Folder Correspondence March 1, 
1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service, NA. 



124 



With this impasse Shantz wrote to Acting Director A.E. Demaray to 
ask if the Park Service had any proposal for the administration of 
Saguaro. The University was ready to cooperate or work independently. 
Cammerer replied that the Park Service wanted to have unified 
management and development under its control, but if the University 
wanted to keep its land then it would be better if legislation were enacted 
to transfer the federal portion of Saguaro to the University. Richard 
Sias, the Regional Inspector for the Park Service's Emergency 
Conservation Work took a more tactful approach by informing the 
University that it did not matter at the time whether it or the Park 
Service controlled the area. The greatest concern was development on 
the private land which would make it more difficult to acquire. The Park 

Service, however, decided not to buy Safford L. Freeman's land when he 

15 
offered to sell it for $25 per acre on August 13, 1935. 

As its treasury continued to dwindle, University officials and the 
Board of Regents decided to pursue the sale of cactus land to the federal 
government by taking a two-pronged approach. In a February 1936 
meeting the Board of Regents voted to support James Converse's request 
that the former forest service land within the monument be returned to 
that agency as a means of assuring the ranchers of their grazing rights. 
At the same time it authorized John Harrison, a local resident, to act as 
an agent for the University in obtaining options from the private owners 
thus making it possible to offer all the non-federal land within the 
boundary to the Park Service in one package. If successful in getting the 
former national forest land withdrawn, then the Park Service would have 



15. Shantz to Demaray, Acting Director, June 14, 1935, Box 2363, 
Folder Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National 
Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA; Arno B. Cammerer, 
Director, NPS to H.L. Shantz, July 25, 1935, Box 2363, Folder 
Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, 
Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA; Richard D. Sias, Regional Inspector, 
ECW to A. A. Nichols, Dept. of Range Ecology, Univ. of Az., October 1, 
1935, JHP. 



125 



to buy the private, University, and state land or it would have no 
monument. In this way the University would be paid the money it had 
invested in the monument. 



Harrison busily worked to bring the plan to fruition. By July 1936, 
after he had obtained options from all the private land owners, he met 
with Frank Pinkley to present the University's proposal. A surprised 
Pinkley told him that he favored such a scheme whereby all unnecessary 
land would be returned to the Forest Service with the Park Service 
getting title to the cactus area. Pinkley added, however, that he did not 
think any money was available to purchase the land. Harrison then 
contacted Representative Isabella Greenway and Senator Carl Hayden to 
recount the plan, stating that it had the support of Frank Pinkley. A. A. 
Nichol the University Range Ecologist also wrote to Greenway to assure 

her that the mountainous area of Saguaro was too ordinary to be park 

17 
caliber and, therefore, should be detached from the monument. 

In August 1936 Harrison attached a monetary figure to his proposal. 
He told Frank Pinkley that the national government could obtain all of the 
land within the monument that it did not own for the sum of $171,680 plus 
lieu selection rights to the state of Arizona. Pinkley thought the offer to 
be excessive in that the state would get both lieu sections and $18.50 per 
acre for the land it owned within the monument boundary. Had he known 
that Harrison had an agreement with the University to receive a ten 



16. "From the Minutes of a Meeting of the Board of Regents of the 
University of Arizona, Held February 14, 1936," JHP; J.E. Harrison to 
Jack B. Martin, Secretary of the Board of Regents, March 12, 1936, JHP; 
Arizona Star (Tucson), July 28, 1936. 

17. Frank Pinkley to the Director, NPS, July 8, 1936, Box 2363, Folder, 
Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, 
Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA; J.E. Harrison to Representative 
Isabella Greenway, July 15, 1936, JHP; J.E. Harrison to Senator Carl 
Hayden, July 15, 1936, JHP; A. A. Nichol to Representative Isabella 
Greenway, July 14, 1936, JHP. 



126 



percent commission, Pinkley probably would have advocated no further 
contact with him. After getting Pinkley's reaction, Harrison contacted 
Senator Hayden. J.E. Gavin, Hayden's secretary, replied that, in 
communicating with A.E. Demaray, he was told that the Park Service had 
no funds with which to buy the land in Saguaro and would not likely 
have such money in the near future. Harrison's next approach was 
through Arizona Governor B.B. Moeur. He got Moeur to contact 
Secretary of the Interior Harold Ickes and request that the federal 
government establish an emergency fund which would be used to purchase 
the state and private land within the monument boundary as soon as 
possible in order to protect the cactus and obtain the land before a price 
increase. Ickes replied that the Interior Department did not have 
$171,680 available. 18 

Having failed, Harrison tried another approach. He wrote to Senator 
Hayden and asked that he introduce a bill by which the former national 
forest land would be eliminated from the monument. The bill would 
include a provision to provide the money to buy the state, University, 
and private land. Hayden's office contacted the Park Service and 
indicated that, if that agency were interested in Harrison's proposal, it 
should draft a bill for the Senator to introduce in the next congressional 
session. Acting Director Demaray replied that the Park Service would be 
happy to produce a bill by which it would acquire the alienated land in 
Saguaro. Hayden countered by asking that the draft bill include the 
return of former Forest Service land to that agency. Director Cammerer 



18. Frank Pinkley to the Director, NPS, August 26, 1936, Box 2363, 
Folder, Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National 
Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA; J.E. Gavin, Sec. to 
Senator Hayden to J.E. Harrison, August 28, 1936, JHP; Governor B.B. 
Moeur to Harold Ickes, September 15, 1936, JHP; Harold L. Ickes to 
Governor B.B. Moeur, September 30, 1936, Box 2363, Folder, 
Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, 
Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA. Lieu selection rights meant that the 
state could trade its land in the monument for other federal land within 
Arizona. 



127 



then indicated to Hayden that, before such a bill could be written, a 
study was needed to ascertain what, if any, boundary changes should be 

made and to determine the price of the land for inclusion in an 

19 
appropriation bill. 

The push to introduce the bill on Saguaro National Monument finally 
caused the Park Service to investigate the area to assess its significance. 
Demaray asked the region three director to send W.B. McDougall to 
evaluate the monument. Since Frank Hitchcock, as author of the 
proclamation, had claimed that the entire area contained a wide range of 
desert flora worthy of preservation, Demaray wanted to know if that were 
true. As a result Wildlife Technician McDougall visited the monument in 
December 1936 to study the vegetation. He concluded that although the 
higher elevations had been considered too common by some to be included 
in the monument, this characterization was not true. McDougall 
considered the area between 4,500 and 7,500 feet elevation to be an 
interesting section of semi-desert and Mexican flora. The Arizona yellow 
pine were especially fascinating. As a result in his report, he 
recommended that the monument boundary be left intact because "any 
decrease in the size of the area would detract from its value as a 
sanctuary for both plants and animals 



„20 



The day before McDougall released his report, on January 6, 1937, 
Frank Pinkley wrote that he believed the back country part of Saguaro 



19. J.E. Gavin, Sec. to Senator Hayden to A.E. Demaray, Acting 
Director, NPS, November 7, 1936; A.E. Demaray to Senator Carl Hayden, 
November 18, 1936; Senator Carl Hayden to A.E. Demaray, November 23, 
1936; Arno Cammerer to Senator Carl Hayden, December 3, 1936, Box 
2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 1933-August 30, 1937, National 
Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. 

20. A.E. Demaray, Acting Director, NPS to Regional Officer, Region 
Three, November 16, 1936, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 
1933-August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service, NA; W.B. McDougall, "Special Report: The Vegetation of the 
Saguaro National Monument," January 7, 1937, Folder, Saguaro NM, 
General Correspondence August 23, 1936 to September 6, 1940, Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 



128 



would ultimately be returned to the Forest Service. This prospect 
pleased him, for he felt the cactus area was all that was needed for the 
monument. A week later after reading McDougall's report he wrote to the 
director for information on whether the boundary would be reduced or 
maintained. Although he professed that it did not matter to him if the 
boundary were reduced or not, Pinkley must have been disturbed with 
the thought that the director might accept McDougall's recommendation. 
He pointed out that, if the current boundary were retained, a large 
amount of development work would be needed in the forest section. 
Although the director's reply, if there were one, is no longer extant, he 

probably told Pinkley that the Park Service would oppose a reduction in 

21 
the monument's size since that became the Park Service policy. 

In the meantime John Harrison evidently became desperate. His 
contract to act as agent for the University ended on May 30, 1937 and 
with it the ten percent commission if he sold the state and University 
land to the federal government. It must have been especially disturbing 
to him when the Arizona State Attorney General told him that he could 
not act as agent for the state land because state patented land could only 
be sold at public auction. Harrison informed Pinkley of the situation and 
told him that under the circumstances there could be no lieu selection 
trade for the state. Instead, he proposed to arrange to sell the whole 
land package for $194,880. This proposition seemed strange to Pinkley, 
for, if the state land could only be sold at public auction, Harrison could 
not convey it to the federal government. Pinkley had his assistant Hugh 
M. Miller check into the situation. Miller found that Harrison had no 
authority to sell state land and, indeed, could not do so, for, as 
Harrison had confessed earlier, that real estate could only be sold at 
public auction. The only possible way Harrison could sell the state 



21. Frank Pinkley to F.A. Kittredge, Chief Engineer, NPS San 
Francisco, January 6, 1937, Folder, Saguaro NM 1934-1937, Saguaro 
National Monument Files; Frank Pinkley to the Director, NPS, January 15, 
1937, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 1933-August 30, 1937, 
National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, 
Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. 



129 



property was to first purchase it at auction and then, in turn, sell it to 
the federal government. No auction was contemplated. Miller also found 
that when Harrison obtained the options from the private inholders he did 
not secure them with the intent to buy them for the federal government, 
as his contract with the University specified. He obtained the options for 

himself. Consequently, Miller advised that the Park Service no longer deal 

22 
with Harrison. 

Because Harrison's contract was to end before any congressional 
legislation could be enacted to permit the purchase of alienated land 
within the monument, he tried another tack. He contacted Senator 
Hayden with the offer to sell the private, state, and University land for 
$194,880 and it would appear suggested that the Senator should contact 
the president and have him authorize the use of already appropriated 
funds to purchase the land within the monument. Hayden contacted the 
president, told him of Harrison's offer, and suggested that he direct the 
Park Service to investigate acquiring the tracts in Saguaro. In that 

manner the president could be apprised of the desirability of buying that 

23 
property and then could use appropriated funds to do so. 

Roosevelt referred Hayden's request to the Secretary of the Interior. 
Secretary Ickes replied that the federal government should begin to buy 
nonfederal land within the monument. He, however, recommended against 
negotiating with John Harrison. Instead, the government should strive 
for an agreement whereby the state would exchange its land for lieu land 
on the public domain. Owners of the private property should be dealt 



22. J.E. Harrison to Frank Pinkley, January 4, 1937; Memorandum to 
Mr. Pinkley from Hugh M. Miller, January 8, 1937, Box 2363, Folder, 
Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, 
Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA. 

23. Carl Hayden to the President, March 12, 1937, Box 2363, Folder, 
Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, 
Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA. 



130 



with on an individual basis and, Ickes felt, that land could be purchased 

for a total of $85,000. He asked permission to submit that figure to the 

24 
Bureau of the Budget for approval as a supplementary item. 



Nine days after receiving Ickes' memorandum, President Roosevelt 
notified Senator Hayden that the general policy of acquiring private land 
in a park or monument had been through donation or purchase with 
donated money. Since he considered this a good policy, Roosevelt did 
not intend to provide money to obtain such land within Saguaro. Hayden 
informed University Regent Halbert Miller of the president's decision and 
ascribed it to a desire for economy in government. He soon thereafter 
notified Harrison that he intended to introduce a bill in the Senate which 
would authorize acquisition of state, University, and private land while 
returning most of the former Forest Service land to that agency. It was 
too late, however, to help Harrison to the degree he desired. His 
contract ended with the University. At that point Harrison retained 
David B. Morgan of the John H. Page law firm in Phoenix to handle the 
sale of state land but he kept the options on the private land which he 
held in his name. 

Hayden introduced S2648 in mid-June 1937. Forest Supervisor Fred 
Winn closely advised Hayden in drafting the bill. It called for the 
authorization of $95,000 to purchase the University and private inholdings 
of which the University would receive $36,000. In addition the bill 
authorized a reduction in the monument from 63,360 acres to 13,120 acres. 
Whereas Frank Pinkley supported the measure, Park Service Director 
Cammerer opposed it. The latter position was also taken by the Interior 



24. Memorandum for the President by Harold L. Ickes, April 29, 1937, 
Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, 
National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, 
Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. 

25. Franklin D. Roosevelt to Senator Carl Hayden, May 8, 1937, Box 
2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 1933 - August 30, 1937, National 
Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA; Carl Hayden to 
Halbert W. Miller, May 11, 1937, JHP; Carl Hayden to J.E. Harrison, 
May 26, 1937, JHP. 



131 



Department. Assistant Secretary Oscar Chapman notified Hayden that the 
monument "was created to preserve outstanding examples of the 
Southwestern desert because of the great scientific, educational, and 
recreational value of the reservation." Since the saguaro were only one 
of the features which needed to be saved, there should be no change in 
the boundary. The bill ultimately failed, but not from opposition to a 
decrease in the size of the monument. The Bureau of the Budget 
disapproved of the land acquisition portion as too costly. 

At this point the University of Arizona seemingly lost interest in the 
monument. President Shantz was removed from office because of his 
inability to get the federal government to purchase the land. John 
Harrison's contract was not renewed when it expired at the end of May 

1937. Just to be rid of the land, University officials asked only $36,000 

27 
in the Hayden bill. This figure represented a loss of about $20,000. 

As for John Harrison, he, too, decided to seek his fortune 
elsewhere. In March 1938 he informed Hugh Miller that he had cancelled 
his options on the private property and David Morgan of the Page firm 
had become the private owners' representative. Miller told Pinkley that 
the replacement of Harrison by Morgan did not mean any change, for "the 
deal is still rigged, and I should continue to oppose it." He, however, 



26. A.E. Demaray, Acting Director, NPS to Frank Pinkley, June 25, 
1937; Memorandum for the Director, NPS by Conrad L. Worth, June 29, 
1937; Oscar L. Chapman, Asst. Sec. of the Interior to Senator Carl 
Hayden, July 15, 1937, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 
1933 - August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified Files 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service, NA; "Report to Mr. H.R. Tillotson, Regional Director National 
Park Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico Concerning the 
Boundaries of Saguaro National Monument," 7-8. 

27. "Report to Mr. H.R. Tillotson, Regional Director National Park 
Service, Region Three, Santa Fe, New Mexico Concerning the Boundaries 
of Saguaro National Monument," 9. 



132 



said he reluctantly had come to the conclusion that the asking price of 

pa 

$25 per acre for the private land was fair. 



Cheered on by the ranchers, Senator Hayden decided to introduce a 
new bill to purchase the inholdings and reduce the size of the monument. 
When he asked Pinkley for an appraisal price of the private land, Hugh 
Miller gave him the figure of $25 per acre. The University resolved not 
to take a loss and told Hayden it wanted $63,000. Hayden notified Miller 
that the combined total for the private and University land would be 
$119,300. That amount troubled Hayden. He preferred a lower figure, 
for he felt that the Bureau of the Budget would not approve a request 
over $100,000. In the compromise, the Park Service proposed to eliminate 
Section 5, T15S R16E (the Freeman section) and thereby save $16,000, 
while the University agreed to reduce its request to $55,000. That 
combined sum totaled $94,100. One addition was made in late 1938. Since 
the nearest water supply for proposed monument development was on the 
Baker property outside the area in the NW 1 -^ of Section 31, a provision 

was made in the bill to reimburse the Tucson Chamber of Commerce which 

29 
intended to purchase the property for the Park Service. 

Senator Hayden introduced S7 on January 4, 1939. This bill 
proposed to revise the monument boundaries by authorizing a reduction in 
size to 10,960 acres as well as paying $25 per acre for private land and 
awarding $55,000 to the University. Delayed until the next congressional 
session, the bill passed the Senate on September 30, 1940, despite Park 



28. Hugh M. Miller to Frank Pinkley, March 12, 1938, Box 2363, Folder, 
Correspondence from September 1, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 
120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the 
National Park Service, NA. 

29. Senator Carl Hayden to Hugh M. Miller, March 22, 1938, Box 2363, 
Folder, Correspondence from September 1, 1937, National Monuments, 
Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA; Frank Pinkley to John H. Page & 
Company, Attn: Mr. Morgan, April 9, 1938, Box 2363, Folder, 
Correspondence March 1, 1933-August 30, 1937, National Monuments, 
Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records 
of the National Park Service, NA. 



133 



Service and Interior Department opposition. The bill, however, died in 

30 
the House of Representatives when Congress adjourned. 



On January 16, 1941 Hayden introduced the same bill as S394. On 
this occasion numerous people such as University of Arizona President 
Alfred Atkinson, the President of the Tucson Chamber of Commerce C. 
Edgar Goyette, Forest Supervisor Fred Winn, and James Converse wrote 
to him to wish a speedy passage. In fact Converse wrote six times in 
three months. Secretary of the Interior Ickes gave an eloquent reply in 
opposition to the measure. He said the Department would recommend 
adversely because 



when the national monument was established in 1933, it was 
meant to preserve not only the saguaro cactus but those 
portions of the Rincon-Tanque Verde Mountains watersheds 
which are largely responsible for the favorable moisture 
conditions that have produced the extraordinary stands of 
saguaro found in the area. It was known at that time that the 
entire area is a biotic community of pronounced scientific 
interest, of which the saguaros are only one feature, although 
they are the most spectacular and popular single interest. 

Despite this statement, the bill again passed the Senate but died in the 

31 
House Committee on Public Lands. 



Hayden again introduced the bill as S379 on January 14, 1943. Once 
more with Park Service and Interior Department opposition the legislation 
took the same course. Hayden made one more attempt to get the 



30. E.K. Burlew, Acting Secretary of the Interior to Senator Alva B. 
Adams, Chairman of the Committee on Public Lands and Surveys, 
January 20, 1940; Carl Hayden to Senator Alva B. Adams, July 31, 1940, 
Box 125, Folder 3, Saguaro National Monument, CHP. 

31. Atkinson, Goyette, Winn, and Converse letters in Box 125, Folder 3, 
Saguaro National Monument, CHP; Harold L. Ickes, Secretary of the 
Interior to J.W. Robinson, Chairman of the House Committee on the Public 
Lands, June 2, 1941, Folder 120-01, House Bills, Saguaro National 
Monument Files. 



134 



boundary reduction enacted. He presented it on January 6, 1945 as S68, 

32 
but with the same result. 



Despair crept into the Park Service in 1945. In addition to another 
assault on the boundary, the apparent rapid spread of disease through 
the saguaro caused Region Three Director Tillotson to recommend 
abolishing the monument. It did not make sense to him to keep an area 
"where the cactus is admittedly doomed and where private land and other 
problems make the situation seemingly hopeless." Instead, he thought it 
preferable to concentrate on Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument which 
contained quite a number of saguaro. A.E. Demaray answered that 
Tillotson should not give up despite the difficult problems. He thought 
that the boundary issue should not be brought up for five or ten years. 
If, at the end of that period, the monument remained for no other 

purpose than private exploitation, Demaray would recommend abolishing 

33 
the monument. 

Although pessimism about the future of Saguaro carried into 1948, 
one group of natural scientists in the Park Service felt an urgency to 
save the area. To them, the despair over the loss of saguaro to a 
supposed disease was a lesser concern, for they viewed the infection as a 
natural occurrence in older plants. Their concern lay with the lack of 
reproduction of young saguaro. They ascribed this sitution to the 
results of grazing. As a result, if the monument were to continue with 
saguaro, then livestock had to be removed from at least that area. The 
only way to accomplish this end was to have the Park Service control the 
monument through ownership. They managed to impress Director Drury 



32. Harold L. Ickes to Senator Carl A. Hatch, Chairman of the 
Committee on Public Lands and Surveys, May 28, 1943, Box 125, 
Folder 3, Saguaro National Monument, CHP; Memorandum for the Director, 
NPS by Charles A. Richey, Chief National Park Division, March 8, 1946, 
Folder, Establishment, Saguaro National Monument Files. 

33. Memorandum for the Director, NPS by M.R. Tillotson, Regional 
Director, Region Three, July 18, 1945; Memorandum for the Regional 
Director, Region Three by A.E. Demaray, Associate Director, NPS, 
August 14, 1945, Folder, Establishment, Saguaro National Monument Files. 



135 



with the seriousness of the situation. As a result Drury wrote to 
University of Arizona President J. Byron McCormick to ask that 
institution to convey its land to the Park Service and to help in getting 
the state to do the same. He saw no other course than to make such a 
request, for, if the Park Service could not get control of the land within 
two years to begin protective measures, the monument may as well be 
abolished. He probably could have anticipated the reply. McCormick 
wrote that he could not very well ask the Board of Regents to 

"gratuitously" give the land to the Park Service because the University 

34 
had a substantial investment there. 

The inquiry by Drury reopened the land acquisition and boundary 
question. University President McCormick wrote to Senator Hayden 
regarding an appropriation to buy the University land. Hayden did not 
indicate that he would present another bill. Instead, he observed that he 
had tried to get an appropriation to buy the University land on a number 
of occasions without success. He blamed the failure on the Bureau of the 
Budget and the Interior Department's opposition to returning the mountain 
area to the Forest Service. Despite that reply, McCormick wrote to 
Hayden a month later to recount his meeting with State Land Commissioner 
O.C. Williams. At that meeting the two of them had concluded that a 
number of private tracts could be eliminated from the monument. Then an 
effort should be made to get federal funds to purchase the University 
land. Failing that, the University might be persuaded to exchange its 
land. According to Williams the state was willing to exchange its holdings 
for other federal land. When Associate Director Demaray heard of the 
offer, he wrote to Senator Hayden to say the Park Service would 
tentatively agree to delete the private land in the north half of sections 
8, 9 and 10 in T14S R16E and section 5 in T15S R16E. He reminded 
Hayden that the University had an investment of approximately $50,000. 



34. Memorandum for the Director by Chief of Development, May 27, 1948, 
CHP; Newton B. Drury, Director NPS to J. Byron McCormick, August 25, 
1948; J. Byron McCormick, Pres. University of Az. to Newton B. Drury, 
August 31, 1948, Box 125, Folder 3, Saguaro National Monument, CHP. 



136 



Perhaps this notation was a hint to Hayden to request an appropriation 

35 
for that sum. The Senator did not do so. 



These offers to make a land settlement led to initial negotiations 
among the State of Arizona, Bureau of Land Management, and the National 
Park Service in late 1948 to get a land exchange agreement. At the same 
time a group of Tucson citizens formed a Saguaro Land Committee to 
assess the monument's future. It recommended that both the University 
and state exchange their monument land for other federal property. 

Land exchange negotiations did not go unnoticed by the local 
ranchers. Gordon Packard, who leased the Rincon Allotment, worried 
that his grazing rights would be affected by the Park Service gaining 
control of the non-federal land in the monument. He wrote to Senator 
Hayden on several occasions to express his concern. He wanted 
assurance that grazing rights would never be ended. Hayden relayed 
Packard's request to the Park Service. Acting Director Demaray replied 
that the ranchers should not be disturbed because the plan was to stop 
(grazing only in the best saguaro area. There was no intention to 
terminate grazing in the rest of the monument in the foreseeable future. 
That statement did not satisfy Packard. He indicated to Senator Hayden 
that if the ranchers did not receive perpetual grazing rights then the 

monument should be reduced to the saguaro area with the rest restored to 

37 
the Forest Service. 



35. Senator Carl Hayden to J. Byron McCormick, Pres. University of 
Az., September 1, 1948; J. Byron McCormick to Senator Carl Hayden, 
September 28, 1948; A.E. Demaray, Associate Director, NPS to Senator 
Carl Hayden, October 28, 1948, Box 125, Folder 3, Saguaro National 
Monument, CHP. 

36. Superintendent's Monthly Report (Saguaro), August 1955. 

37. Gordon Packard to Senator Carl Hayden, May 15, 1949; A.E. 
Demaray, Acting Director NPS to Senator Carl Hayden, July 15, 1949; 
Gordon Packard to Senator Carl Hayden, August 3, 1949, Box 125, 
Folder 3, Saguaro National Monument, CHP. 



137 



The Tucson Chamber of Commerce Saguaro National Monument 
Committee came to the support of the ranchers. This situation brought 
John Davis, assistant director of the Park Service's Region Three, to 
meet with the Chamber of Commerce's Saguaro Committee to confer on the 
monument's future. The C of C demanded that grazing rights be 
maintained. As a result, Davis told them that those rights on the major 
portion of the monument were in perpetuity. When the chairman of the 
Saguaro Committee wrote to Davis two months later asking that his oral 
assurance of perpetual grazing rights be confirmed in writing by 

oo 

authorized persons, he received no reply. 

James Converse and Gordon Packard in their contact with the Tucson 
Chamber of Commerce learned, of course, that no written assurance of 
perpetual grazing rights had been received from the National Park 
Service. Packard asked Senator Hayden to work for a reduction in the 
monument boundary to just the cactus area. Converse took a different 
tack. He announced to Hayden that his grazing lease agreement, held 
with the University and state for those entities' land in the monument, 
stated that the lease could not end without satisfaction to the leaseholder. 
Since the Park Service intended to terminate grazing on that land because 
it comprised the prime saguaro area, his satisfaction would be met by 

reducing the monument and returning the major portion of it to the Forest 

39 
Service. Converse and Packard's effort came to naught. 

While the state continued land exchange negotiations through 1949, 
the University requested $50,000 as the selling price of its 480 acres in 
Saguaro. That figure represented not just the value of the property, 
but also the money the University had expended in the early 1930s to 



38. Chamber News (Tucson Chamber of Commerce), September 1, 1949; 
George Chambers, Chairman Saguaro NM Committee to John M. Davis, 
Asst. Regional Director, Region Three, November 8, 1949, Box 125, 
Folder 3, Saguaro National Monument, CHP. 

39. Gordon Packard to Senator Carl Hayden, December 15, 1949; James 
P. Converse to Senator Carl Hayden, December 15, 1949, Box 125, 
Folder 3, Saguaro National Monument, CHP. 



138 



purchase relinquishments on land which came under state ownership. In 
checking, Demaray found that the United States could pay no more than 
the market value of the real estate to be bought. It could not reimburse 
the University for funds used to buy land for the state. A land 
exchange, however, could be made for the full amount. Since the market 
value of the University's 480 acres was half the price it sought, it was 
more beneficial for that institution to exchange its property for $50,000 in 

land selected elsewhere in the state from the public domain. This the 

40 
University opted to do. 

By the end of 1950 the land exchange program had proceeded 
haphazardly. The University officials had made their selection, but they 
intended to wait until the state had made its choice before making forma! 
application. The state, however, had to postpone its selection because 
recent legislation to reappraise state-owned grazing land appeared to mean 
a delay of as much as a year. The deferment, however, proved shorter 
than expected, and the state and University made informal application by 
June 1, 1951. It was thought that the exchange would occur by the end 
of that year. It did not happen, for by July 1951 the Bureau of Land 
Management discovered that ten people had filed desert land applications 
on the land which the state had chosen. Since there were 700 other 
applications to be examined including inspection of their land before the 

Bureau could deal with the state application, it was thought there would 

41 
be a considerable delay before the exchange could occur. 

In the meantime the Park Service received permission to buy three 
tracts of private land. Title to this property was acquired by late 



40. A.E. Demaray, Acting Director NPS to Senator Carl Hayden, 
March 9, 1950, Box 125, Folder 3, Saguaro National Monument, CHP. 

41. A.E. Demaray, Acting Director NPS to Senator Carl Hayden, 
December 13, 1950; Francis L. McFarren, Acting Regional Director BLM 
(Albuquerque) to Senator Carl Hayden, July 3, 1951, Box 125, Folder 3, 
Saguaro National Monument, CHP; Memorandum to the Director NPS from 
Superintendent, Saguaro NM, June 1, 1951, Folder 207-01 Annual 
Reports, Saguaro National Monument Files. 



139 



December 1951. This real estate included section 29 in T14S R16E owned 
by Marjorie Ellison, the SE 1 ^ of section 15 in T14S R16E owned by L. 
Nelson Garwood, and section 5 in T15S R16E possessed by Safford 
Freeman. In May 1952 the monument acquired twenty acres of land in the 
NW 1 3 of section 31 T14S R16E from the Tucson Chamber of Commerce. 
This tract, outside the boundary, had been purchased by the Chamber in 
1938 because the well there was one of the closest sources of water for 
the monument. 

Although the Arizona Star reported that the state and University 
had completed most of the land exchanges in the latter part of September 
1955, the story was not wholly true. An obstacle occurred in the state 
trade when the United States Air Force negotiated for a withdrawal on the 
real estate near Yuma. By early 1956 the exchange was finally completed 
except for half the University land. Those 240 acres were traded in 
1959. 43 

The purchase of the remaining private land within the boundary, 
except for 775 acres which were recommended for deletion, was 
accomplished in 1972. By Public Law 94-578 of October 21, 1976 all of 
section 8 in T14S R16E and 135 acres west of Old Spanish Trail in section 

5 in T15S R16E were removed from the monument. Thus the long 

44 
struggle over monument land ended. 

C. The Tucson Mountain Unit 

In the 1920s the Tucson Game Protective Association headed by C.B. 
Brown became fearful that the encroachment of homesteads in the Tucson 



42. Superintendent's Monthly Reports (Saguaro), September and 
December, 1951; Arizona Star (Tucson), December 15, 1951, May 22, 
1952. 

43. Arizona Star (Tucson), September 25, 1955; Superintendent's 
Monthly Reports (Saguaro), September and December, 1955. 

44. Superintendent's Annual Report (Saguaro) 1972; Public Law 94-578 
enacted October 21, 1976, Folder A2621 , Annual Reports, Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 



140 



Mountains would leave no place of beauty there for the area residents to 
enjoy. The Association, backed by many prominent people, started a 
movement to have the area withdrawn from homesteading and set aside as 
a park and game refuge. They were successful when on April 29, 1929 
the Department of the Interior issued Recreational Withdrawal Order 21 on 
28,988 acres, thus preventing mineral and homestead entry. Pima County 
obtained a lease on 15,787.90 acres of that land on December 15, 1930. A 
supplemental lease provided the remainder on May 4, 1931. A formal 
opening was held for the Tucson Mountain Recreation Area on April 10, 
1932. At about that time Roger Toll of the National Park Service viewed 
the park as he searched for cactus areas which would make suitable 
national monuments. Toll thought the county would welcome Park Service 
administration of the area, but he considered it second in merit to the 
area east of Tucson. The National Park Service paid little attention to 
the Tucson Mountain Park over the years except for a brief period in the 
mid-1940s when it was believed that the saguaros in the monument east of 

Tucson were dying. At that time the idea was entertained to add the 

45 
Tucson Mountain Park to the monument, but nothing came of it. 

On August 25, 1959 Assistant Secretary of the Interior Roger Ernst 
issued Public Land Order 1963 by which 7,600 acres of the Tucson 
Mountain Park would be restored to mining including the Pictured Rocks 
area as of September 30. The announcement of this action immediately 
caused an intense protest by numerous organizations and individuals. 
This opposition to order 1963 caused Assistant Secretary Ernst to suspend 
the effective restoration date to February 15, 1960 and to announce that 
there would be public hearings in Tucson on the reopening for mineral 
development on December 8, 1959. Continued reaction, however, resulted 



45. Arizona Star (Tucson), April 10, 1932, December 16, 1951; Arizona 
Citizen (Tucson), March 6, 1930; "Tucson Mountain Park History," I 
(Typescript copy in the Saguaro National Monument File); Roger Toll to 
the Director, NPS, March 31, 1932; Charles A. Richey to Mr. Drury, 
Acting Director NPS, April 5, 1946, Folder, Establishment, Saguaro 
National Monuments Files. Subsequent purchase brought the park acreage 
to 33,000. 



141 



in the hearing date being moved to October 29. On that evening the 
crowd overflowed the hearing room in the Pioneer Hotel and spilled into 
the halls and lobby. There was a great deal of animus toward the 
Banner Mining Company as the perpetrator of the order. Representative 
Stewart Udall told the people at the meeting that he would introduce 
legislation in the next congressional session to place the northern part of 

the Tucson Mountain Park under the Park Service as part of Saguaro 

46 
National Monument. 

Although the Bureau of Land Management cancelled the order to open 
7,600 acres in Tucson Mountain Park to mining on December 17, 1959, the 
Arizona Congressman did not drop the idea of adding part of the park to 
the national monument. On January 11, 1960, Stewart Udall kept his 
word and introduced HR 9521 by which federal land leased to Pima County 
for the park would be transferred to Saguaro National Monument. No 
action was taken on this bill or a subsequent measure, HR 1103, which he 
presented to the House of Representatives on January 3, 1961. Senator 
Barry Goldwater introduced S827 on February 9, 1961 whereby ownership 
of the entire Tucson Mountain Park would be transferred to Pima County. 
Subsequently, Representative Morris K. Udall, who replaced his brother 
Stewart when he became Secretary of the Interior, initiated HR 8365 on 
July 5, 1961 to have 15,360 acres of the Tucson Mountain Park attached 

to Saguaro National Monument. Shortly thereafter, Carl Hayden 

47 
presented the same bill to the Senate. 

Before any action was taken on the Udall/Hayden measures, Stewart 
Udall convinced President John F. Kennedy to transfer part of the park 
to Saguaro by proclamation. On November 15, 1961, Kennedy issued 
Presidential Proclamation 3439 enlarging Saguaro National Monument by 
15,360 acres and thus creating the Tucson Mountain Unit. Later, on 



46. Arizona Star (Tucson), September 10, 29, October 16, 29, 1959; 
Tucson Citizen , October 16, 1959; "Tucson Mountain Park History," 3. 

47. Tucson Citizen , December 17, 1959, August 24, 1961; Arizona Star 
(Tuscon), July 27, 1961; "Tucson Mountain Park History," 4. 



142 



October 21, 1976 Public Law 94-578 added 5,378 acres to that oortion of 

48 
the monument. 



D. Monument Development 

Although Saguaro National Monument appeared for the first time in 
April 1934 in Frank Pinkley's Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report, he 
was less than happy with the notification on March 24 that he had a new 
area under his control. Since the Park Service did not own what he 
considered the most attractive and accessible area, administering the park 
would prove a problem. 

Pinkley was told that a salary for a three month temporary custodian 
would be provided starting July 1, 1934. He, however, did not view a 
temporary custodian as the answer to the problems. He advocated leaving 
the position vacant and he would occasionally travel there. He got a 
custodian anyway. The Washington office considered the months of June 
through August to be the best period in which to station a person at 
Saguaro. When University President Shantz learned of such a proposal 
he notified A.E. Demaray that few people came to the monument in the 

hot summer months. The greatest visitation occurred from January 

49 
through March. 

The first use envisioned for the monument was to keep it as a 
research reserve while restricting visitation. Pinkley objected to that 
approach noting that it would be impossible to keep people away. Not 
only was there a relatively large population in nearby Tucson, but the 
Chamber of Commerce had already printed a brochure advertising the 
monument as an important place to visit. Whether through Pinkley's 
insistence or for other reasons the concept of a research reserve soon 



48. Tucson Citizen , November 17, 1961; Federal Register , November 22, 
1961; "Tucson Mountain Park History," 4; Public Law 94-578, October 21, 
1976. 

49. Frank Pinkley to the Director NPS, April 11, 1934; A.E. Demaray, 
Acting Director NPS to Frank Pinkley, April 19, 1934, Folder, Saguaro 
NM General Correspondence November 17, 1933 to December 31, 1935, 
Saguaro National Monument Files. 



143 



died. At the same time the subject of building a road to Rincon Peak was 
discussed since the mountain area was the only place the Park Service 
was free to develop. Regional Director Tillotson, however, felt such an 
undertaking would be too costly and not appropriate. 

The monument remained unmanned until March 1935 when Charles 
Powell arrived as the first custodian. There were no facilities for him. 
The University allowed him to use a structure which the Civilian 
Conservation Corps had built on Observatory Hill. Without a contact 
point for visitors, he had to remain at the roadway entrances or meet 
people already in the monument. There were two entrances, one at the 
northwest corner and the other in the northwest part of section 32. 
Much of the rest of his time was taken up with preventing cactus theft 
and wood cutting. 

Powell served at the monument through June 1935. While there, 
Harry Langley, a landscape architect from the Park Service San Francisco 
office visited to investigate building a Rincon Mountain road. Regional 
Director Tillotson's opposition to such an undertaking the previous year 
did not end the proposal. Langley also did not favor a road into the 
mountains. To build a road into the Rincons would merely duplicate the 
Forest Service road to the top of the Santa Catalinas. If people wanted 
to escape the summer heat or have winter recreation they could use that 
already existing trail, he thought. In addition a Rincon road was not 
needed for administrative or development purposes and, if constructed, it 

would leave a visible scar. Langley's report laid the matter to rest until 

52 
1948. 



50. Frank Pinkley to the Director NPS, April 11, 1934; M.R. Tillotson to 
the Director NPS, March 5, 1934, Folder, Saguaro NM, General 
Correspondence, November 17, 1933 to December 31, 1935, Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 

51. Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports (Saguaro), March and May 
1935. 

52. "Report to the Chief Architect on Proposed Rincon Mountain Road, 
Saguaro National Monument," May 28, 1935 by Harry Langley, Folder, 
Saguaro NM 1934-37, Saguaro National Monument Files. 



144 



Paul Beaubien came to Saguaro on New Years day 1936 as 
Ranger-in-Charge. He, too, found no facilities. For a time he stayed at 
the CCC camp just north of the boundary. Then he rented a small house 
about a mile and three quarters outside the south entrance. Finally the 
University of Arizona gave him some material to use to convert a 
storeroom into a residence. Basically, he operated as his predecessor 
Charles Powell had done. He did get some help from the CCC in counting 
visitors and in catching cactus thieves and illegal quail and deer hunters. 
Although he returned to his permanent station at Walnut Canyon in April, 
Beaubien was back at Saguaro the next November. Again he lived in the 
converted storeroom. 

Because of the uncertainties about whether the former Forest Service 
land would be returned and about the lack of money to purchase private 
and state holdings, the Park Service did not attempt to draft a master 
plan for Saguaro until 1937. Although the master plan never got beyond 
the preliminary report stage of May 1937, the whole plan was development 
oriented. It called for roads, an administrative and support area, and 
one picnic ground. Only two interpretive features were envisioned—an 
explanatory sign placed at the two lime kilns and a cactus garden near 
the visitor contact station. This plan called for the establishment of the 
headquarters area in section 32. Continued uncertainty about the 
monument allowed only one of the items in the master plan to be carried 
out. On September 18, 1937 a five-year lease was obtained from the 
University for the \N\ of the NW 1 -* of section 32, T14S R16E. Here, it was 
hoped, that the headquarters would be developed. The two most 
important issues, grazing and forest fire protection, were not covered in 

the preliminary plan for by agreement the Forest Service administered 

54 
these items for the Park Service. 



53. Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports (Saguaro), January and 
November 1936. 

54. "A Preliminary Report for the Master Plan--Saguaro National 
Monument Arizona, National Park Service Region Three," May 1937, 
Saguaro National Monument Files. 



145 



The Civilian Conservation Corps began work on an administration 
building in the fall of 1939 at the same time Don Egermayer arrived as the 
first permanent custodian. Located on the leased land in section 32 that 
structure was to be the first of several buildings in a complex. Others 
included a visitor contact station, custodian's residence, and maintenance 
facility. The CCC, however, did not complete the office building before 
it left in December. Work, however, resumed on March 1, 1940 and the 
structure was completed April 24. Before any construction could begin 
on the other buildings the CCC departed. Egermayer decided to move 
from his converted storeroom residence and turn the intended 
administration building into a home and visitor contact station. No 
running water was available, so he had a 300 gallon tank placed on a 

dump truck and made periodic trips to Randolph Park on the east side of 

55 
Tucson to fill it with water. 

Egermayer kept busy providing visitor services and maintaining the 
graveled Cactus Loop Road which the CCC completed in 1939. He also 
had to chase cactus thieves, hunters, and wood cutters. He was often 
unsuccessful in capturing anyone. Usually he only found evidence of 
such activity, but one night in February 1940 he caught people hauling 
six loads of wood out of the monument through a break in the fence. In 
addition to his other duties he found time to plant a cactus garden near 
the new building. In that same year the Forest Service ended its fire 
protection agreement and Egermayer began to post a two man fire watch 
on Mica Mountain in the summer months. 

A Master Plan was finally produced in late 1947. It, however, 
addressed only two issues—the need for a museum and the effect of 
grazing on the monument. In the latter case it only offered a statement 



55. Custodian's Monthly Report (Saguaro), November 1939, May 1940; 
Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports (Saguaro), March and April 
1940. 

56. Custodian's Monthly Report (Saguaro), February 1940; Southwestern 
Monuments Monthly Report (Saguaro), May 1940. 



146 



on grazing with no solution. Although not mentioned in the master plan 
the subject of a mountain road resurfaced the following year. Edward 
Zimmer, the Chief of the Major Roads Branch in the Director's office, 
proposed to build a road to near the top of Mica Peak which would 
terminate in a picnic and campground facility at Manning Camp. He also 
thought the site had potential for the development of winter sports. 
Senator Hayden was enlisted in the project to get an appropriation for it. 
One condition was attached to building a road. The state and University 
had to relinquish control of their land as a prerequisite to construction of 
the route. Hayden agreed to use that tack, but he did not gain the 
consent of the state land commissioner. Eight months later the Park 
Service still hoped a road could be built to Manning Camp to make it 
possible for the public to enjoy the monument, but nothing came of this 
project. 

In April 1951 a new headquarters site was selected a little less than 
a half mile north of the current headquarters. The area was in section 
29 near a point where the "new" Old Spanish Trail road intersected with 
the west boundary. Negotiations to purchase this private inholding were 
completed in December of that year. Now, for the first time, the Park 
Service had its own property in the lower part of the monument and no 
longer needed to renew a lease with the University every five years. A 
visitor center was completed on the new area in 1953, but the real 
development came with the Mission 66 program. As money became 
available in the late 1950s the visitor center was enlarged, employee 
housing was built in 1963, utility buildings were erected, and a water and 
sewer system were installed. A boundary fence was also constructed to 
keep cattle from the cactus forest area. In addition the 1959 Master Plan 



57. Saguaro Master Plan Development Outline, October 2, 1947, Folder 
600-01 Master Plan, Saguaro National Monument Files; Report on a 
Proposed Development for Saguaro National Monument, May 21, 1948 by 
Edward S. Zimmer; Senator Carl Hayden to O.C. Williams, State Land 
Commissioner, September 1, 1948; Newton B. Drury, Director NPS to 
Thomas H. MacDonald, Commissioner Public Roads Adm., Federal Works 
Agency, May 6, 1949, Box 125, Folder 3, Saguaro National Monument, 
CHP. 



147 



called for a desert to mountain drive which would run from the 
headquarters area to Rock Reef Meadow with a spur to Manning Camp. 
The purpose of this road was to permit visitors to get a view of the 
desert to mountain transition zones. The 1963 Master Plan discounted 

CO 

this highway scheme and it was never again raised. 

E. The Civilian Conservation Corps 

The Emergency Conservation Work (ECW) program, as the Civilian 
Conservation Corps (CCC) was first called, was one of a multitude of 
agencies established by the federal government to fight the depression of 
the 1930s. Popularly called the CCC until the name became official in 
1937, the ECW provided service jobs for unemployed, single young men 
across the nation. Several agencies administered the ECW program among 
them the Park Service, Forest Service, United States Army, and the 
Department of Labor. The National Park Service not only had CCC men 
working on land it controlled, but it established a State Parks Division 
through which it administered an aid program to improve state, county, 
and city parks. Through that division, Park Service personnel designed 
and oversaw all construction projects in state, county, and city parks. 
Recreational facilities were designed to blend with the natural 
surroundings. In the desert southwest buildings tended to be 

camouflaged by constructing them of well defined horizontal coursed 
stone. Roofs were usually flat. Picnic shelters were devised in a ramada 
style while tables, benches and fireplaces were built of stone. 

Emergency Conservation Work funds were provided by the Park 
Service's State Parks Division for the establishment of CCC camps in and 
near what later became both units of Saguaro National Monument. Pima 
County, which operated the Tucson Mountain Park, applied for two ECW 
camps in August 1933 for that park. The request was approved, and 
Camp Pima (SP-6-A) and Camp Papago (SP-7-A) were authorized. In 
April 1935 University of Arizona President Homer Shantz requested a camp 



58. Saguaro National Monument, Master Plan Development Outline, 1959. 



148 



whose members would work on the University controlled land that 
comprised an area within the monument called Saguaro Forest State Park. 
Out of his efforts came Camp Tanque Verde (SP-11-A), which was 
established in July 1935 about one mile north of section 10 just outside 
the current Rincon Unit. These camps were constructed by local men 
chosen by the Pima County Reemployment Committee. Like other ECW 
camps, they were initially composed of a set number of frame structures 
designed to house 210 men. The buildings included four barracks, one 
mess hall, one kitchen, one recreation hall, one officers' quarters, a 
hospital, a latrine, and several shower rooms. The operation of the 
camps was overseen by the United States Army which provided the 
commanding officer, adjutant, physician, and educational adviser. The 
State Parks Division of the National Park Service approved and 
supervised the work projects. During the summer the men were 
transferred to more, northerly climates such as the Grand Canyon. One 
exception to this scheme occurred in the 1934-35 period when extra 
finances were allotted to employ more youth through ECW drought camps. 

In that period Camp Pima housed a special drought company DSP-1-A in 

59 
lieu of the SP-6-A group. 

1 . Tucson Mountain Unit 

In October 1933 the enrollees destined for the two Tucson 
Mountain Camps reached Tucson before their camps were completed. As a 
result, they were put to work in Tucson for a time. The men of Camp 
Pima (SP-6-A) were the first to arrive in the Tucson Mountain Park. 
They established a temporary tent camp on November 17, 1933, and 



59. Donna B. Allen, "A Preliminary Survey of Camp Pima, Saguaro 
National Monument West, Tucson, Az." (Typescript submitted for 
University of Arizona Historical Archaeology course, May 1979), 4; Larry 
Copenhaver, "CCC Camps in Arizona" (Typescript submitted for 
University of Arizona History 216, June 1966), 6, 10. When the Park 
Service determined that it would be assigned Saguaro National Monument 
before the Secretary of the Interior's official decision, it contemplated a 
CCC camp whose members would be used to build horse and foot trails as 
well as fire breaks in the Rincons. Because of the later uncertainty as 
to whether that area would be returned to the Forest Service, a decision 
was made not to employ the CCC. 



149 



remained there until the permanent camp was completed on December 22 of 
that year. The site of the permanent camp is located in the northwest 
corner of the national monument. Some of the men were immediately put 
to work gathering several hundred tons of rock to be used in the 
construction of roads, dams, fireplaces and other picnic area projects. 
Others began to rebuild eight miles of poor desert road. In the meantime 
enrollees moved from Tucson into Camp Papago (SP-7-A) on December 22, 
1933. Owing to a lack of water, half the men in that camp were 
transferred in less than a month while the rest stayed until May 1934 

when the camp was closed. During that period, the men performed road 

fifl 
work, but they did build one masonry and two earthen dams. 

In January 1934 the men of SP-6-A began to construct picnic ground 
fireplaces, tables, benches, ramadas and bathrooms as well as some dams. 
The ramadas were termed "unique and attractive," -because the roof 
support posts with a core of reinforced steel and concrete were covered 
at the base with stonework while the upper part was enveloped with 
woody saguaro skeleton. The roofs were also covered with saguaro ribs. 
Tables were made of uncoursed stone legs to support a concrete top, 
while the benches were uncoursed stone capped with concrete. The 
fireplaces were built of uncoursed stone. Bathrooms were sometimes 
constructed of coursed and other times uncoursed stone. Since the CCC 
camp superintendent's monthly reports often did not specify which picnic 
sites were in the process of construction at any given time, one cannot 
be certain of the specific dates the five picnic areas in the Tucson 
Mountain Unit were constructed. At best one can only observe that the 



60. Rich R. Thomson, Supt. Camp SP-6-A to Conrad L. Wirth, 
December 14, 1933; Rich R. Thomson to Conrad L. Wirth, January 2, 
1934, CCC Projects, Arizona, Entry 41, Box 7, SP-4, SP-5, SP-6, Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA (hereafter cited as 
CCC Projects, Box 7); Rich R. Thomson, Acting Supt. Camp SP-7-A to 
Conrad L. Wirth, March 1, 1934; Rich R. Thomson, Supt. Camp SP-7-A 
to Aaron L. Citron, State Procurement Office, Phoenix, April 25, 1934, 
CCC Projects, Arizona, Entry 41, Box 8, SP-7, SP-8, SP-9, SP-10, 
SP-11, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA 
(hereafter cited as CCC Projects, Box 8). 



150 



Ez-Kim-ln-Zin and Signal Hill facilities were constructed between January 
and May 1934, while the Sus, Cam-Boh, and Mam-A-Gah Picnic areas were 
built in the September 1934 to June 1935 period. 61 

Twenty-six check dams were built throughout Tucson Mountain Park. 
These dams were basically of two types. Earth-fill dams were placed in 
the lower reaches for flood control and to store water for wildlife. 
Masonry dams were constructed in canyons and arroyos to prevent erosion 
and again to provide water for the fauna. Thirteen such dams were built 
within the Tucson Mountain Unit boundary. All check dams were 

cp 

completed by the end of February 1936. 

When the DSP-1-A enrollees arrived at Camp Pima on August 1, 
1934, they were immediately put to work making adobe brick for use in an 
administration building. The 200 men of the camp were soon apportioned 
to other projects such as dam building, and road and trail construction. 
By November 1 the King Canyon Road was completed with heavy boulders 
set along the road's edge in the most dangerous hillside sections to act as 
guard walls. At the end of that month the eleven-mile Wasson Peak horse 

CO 

trail was finished. 

By June 1935 the DSP-1-A group had departed and the SP-6-A men 
once more inhabited Camp Pima. The next fifteen months were basically 
spent working on roads, and obliterating the scars of old mine roads and 
trails, putting in cattle guards, building barbed wire fence, placing 



61. Rich R. Thomson to Conrad L. Wirth, February 1, 1934 and 
March 1, 1934; Rich R. Thomson to the State Park ECW, NPS, March 31, 
1935, CCC Projects, Box 7. 

62. Rich R. Thomson to Conrad Wirth, February 1, 1934 and March 1, 
1934; Clinton F. Rose, Acting Supt. SP-6-A to the State Park ECW, NPS, 
February 1, 1936, CCC Projects, Box 7. 

63. Rich R. Thomson, Supt. Camp DSP-1-A to State Park ECW, NPS, 
August 31, 1934, November 1, 1934, and November 30, 1934, CCC 
Projects, Box 7. 



151 



rip-rap to protect roads, banks, and dips, completing more dams, and 

64 
reseeding sixty-seven acres in various places with native grass. 



For the next several years, beginning September 1936, the work 
concentrated on building an administrative complex and in the southern 
part of Tucson Mountain Park outside the present monument boundary 
except for two projects within the current monument boundary. These 
two undertakings involved the construction of the Red Hills and Dobie 
Robinson facilities to supply water to game animals and birds. The 
Tucson Game Protective Association with several other organizations 
collected $250 by early September 1936 to build one water source in the 
central part of Tucson Mountain Park. They asked the State Game 
Department to supply the funds to equip another well in the north 
portion. The CCC, however, developed the two facilities in 1937. Each 
site included a windmill and galvanized water storage tank. In 1941 a 
reinforced concrete water storage reservoir was added to each location. 

These reservoirs remain along with the windmill tower at the Red Hills 

, .... 65 
facility. 

Camp Pima officially was changed from SP-6-A to CP-1 on 
November 3, 1940. It was this group that built the water storage 



64. Rich R. Thomson to State Park ECW, NPS, June 1, 1935; Harold W. 
Cole, Supt. Camp SP-6-A to State Park ECW, NPS, September 30, 1935 
and November 30, 1935, CCC Projects, Box 7; Camp Application, 
Department of the Interior, Emergency Conservation Work, September 5, 
1936, Saguaro National Monument Files. 

65. C.B. Brown, Pima County Park Commissioner to Regional Director, 
Region Three, NPS, September 10, 1936; Memorandum for the Regional 
Director [Region Three] by Carl A. Taubert, Inspector, CCC, Az., 
April 19, 1941; Wildlife and Man-made Water Sources, Tucson Mountain 
Unit, Saguaro National Monument (no date), 3, Saguaro National Monument 
Files; December [1936] Report by Clinton F. Rose, Resident Landscape 
Architect, Region Three, Box 5 Monthly Narrative Reports of Regional 
Landscape Architects, Region III; 1936, Record Group 79, Records of the 
National Park Service, NA; Monthly Narrative Report to Chief Architect 
by Clinton F. Rose, Resident Landscape Architect, Region Three, October 
21-November 20, 1937, Box 16, Monthly Narrative Reports of Regional 
Landscape Architects, Region III, June-December 1937, Record Group 79, 
Records of the National Park Service, NA. 



152 



reservoirs at Red Hills and Dobie Robinson shortly before the camp was 
abandoned on June 21, 1941. The next year the CCC gave the buildings 
to the army. The army dismantled the wooden structures and shipped 
them to Phoenix where they were reassembled in a mechanics' center. 
Only the concrete slabs on which they were built remain. Adobe 
structures were left to decay and merely remnants of their walls 

survive. The only other reminder of this CCC camp which could house 

66 
210 men is the circle of saguaro at what was the entrance area. 

2. The Rincon Mountain Unit 

University President Shantz evidently decided that, since all of 
the saguaro cactus area inside the national monument would not be 
developed by the Park Service because that agency did not own it, he 
would attract the CCC to help with the portion controlled by the 
University of Arizona. To be eligible for this aid meant that a state park 
had to be created, for the CCC would not work on state projects without 
such a designation of the land. As a result the Saguaro Forest State 
Park was created out of a ten-square-mile area at the western end of 
Saguaro National Monument. 

Although the 1937 Master Plan for the monument stated that the 
Arizona State Legislature set aside the Saguaro Forest State Park area in 
February 1934, that was not possible. The legislature only met every 
other year in odd numbered years. A check of the legislative journal for 
1933 and 1935 did not show any action taken to create a state park. At 
the same time a check of the governor's papers and calendar did not 
reveal that he signed any bill dealing with a Saguaro Forest State Park. 
The annual reports of the Arizona State Land Commission, under whose 
administration such a park would fall, showed no mention of the park or 
of a budget allocated for it in the period 1933-40. As a result, one has 
to conclude that University President Shantz merely designated the area 
Saguaro Forest State Park for his own purposes. 



66. C.B. Brown to J.H. Haile, Eighth Corps Area, Fort Sam Houston, 
Texas, April 15, 1941. Although the camp could nouse 210 men, the 
number living there usually ran between 150 and 200. 



153 



In a letter dated April 20, 1935, President Shantz notified the 
Director of the National Park Service that he intended to have the CCC 
work on projects on the University-controlled land within the monument. 
The CCC endeavors would include water development, construction of a 
limited amount of automobile road, and the obliteration of old homestead 
and squatter sites, old roads, and mines. He placed the responsibility 
for the Emergency Conservation Work with Professor A. A. Nichols, a 

range ecologist. An advance party of twelve CCC men arrived to occupy 

fi7 
Camp Tanque Verde, SP-11-A, on July 20, 1935. 

Within a few days the remainder of the enrollees reached the camp 
and began the process of razing and removing old shacks, filling mine 
shafts, cleaning up rubbish, and removing old road scars. By the end 
of March 1936 the men had obliterated twelve miles of old road, filled the 
Loma Verde mine with 800 tons of cans, rubbish, and debris cleaned from 
the state park, razed twelve squatters' shacks, destroyed two old picnic 
areas, removed any trace of thirty prospect holes, and began 

CO 

construction of the road to Observatory Hill. 

In the meantime a skyline loop road through the saguaro cactus area 
was in the planning stage. By the end of March 1936 that route had 
been surveyed and staked. Construction began soon thereafter and 
continued as the main project until completed in April 1939. Besides 
traversing University land, it extended through private property with the 
owner's consent. Much of the proposed rock work along the road was 
eliminated in 1937 because of the cost and difficulty of finding adequate 



67. H.L. Shantz, Pres. of the University of Az. to Arno B. Cammerer, 
Director NPS, April 20, 1935, Folder Saguaro NM, General 
Correspondence November 17, 1933 to December 31, 1935, Saguaro 
National Monument Files; Narrative Report, SP-11-A, Saguaro Forest, 
Tucson, Arizona, October 3, 1935, CCC Projects, Box 8. 

68. Narrative Report for ECW, Camp SP-11-A from July 20, 1935 to 
March 31, 1936, CCC Projects, Box 8; W.H. Wirt, "Report to the 
Director, National Park Service on Emergency Conservation Work at 
Saguaro National Monument," February 29, 1936, Folder, Master Plan, 
Saguaro National Monument Files. 



154 



rock. One year before completion Camp Tanque Verde, SP-11-A, closed 

(April 30, 1938) for want of water. As a result, men from a side camp in 

69 
Randolph Park in Tucson, SP-3-A, finished the road. 

Another important CCC project involved the construction of an 
administration building by a group from SP-3-A. The building site was 
staked in March 1938, but actual construction did not begin until the fall 
of 1939. It was completed April 24, 1940, but, when the planned 
custodian's residence was not built, it became a visitor contact station 
and residence. The structure was taken down in the late 1970s. 

Other work accomplished by the CCC on the University land in the 
mid-1930s included building a fence along the west boundary, leveling the 
top of Observatory Hill, and constructing several check dams. The fence 
no longer remains, the top of Observatory Hill has reverted to a natural 
state, and ranchers so changed the dams for cattle watering that they are 
not recognizable as having been built by the CCC. 

F. Forest Fire Policy 

When the National Park Service gained control of Saguaro National 
Monument, the Forest Service had administered most of the area for 
twenty-seven years. In that period of time that agency had developed a 
forest fire policy to suit its needs. Basically, prevention and early 
suppression comprised the Forest Service approach to fire. In the forest 



69. Narrative Report for ECW, Camp SP-11-A from July 20, 1935 to 
March 31, 1936; Monthly Narrative Report to Chief Architect by Clinton 
F. Rose, Resident Landscape Architect, Branch of Plans and Designs, 
Region Three, April 21 -May 20, 1937, Box 15, Monthly Narrative Reports 
of Regional Landscape Architects, Region III, January-May 1937, Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA; Southwestern 
Monuments Monthly Report (Saguaro), November 1938; Custodian's 
Monthly Report (Saguaro), March 1939. 

70. Monthly Narrative Report to Chief of Planning by Clinton Rose, 
Resident Landscape Architect, Region Three, February 21 -March 20, 
1938, Box 21, Monthly Narrative Reports of Regional Landscape 
Architects, Regions II & III, 1938, Record Group 79, Records of the 
National Park Service, NA; Custodian's Monthly Report, April 1940. 



155 



fire season, which usually ranged from May into September, the Forest 
Service used the Rincon Ranger Station as a base of operation. From 
about 1912 to 1922 Spud Rock Cabin was used as the fire fighting and 
trail headquarters on the mountain. In 1922 the Manning Camp area 
began to serve this function. Since proper lookout coverage could not be 
made from only one point, fire protection trails were constructed and two 

Forest Service fire guards rode a patrol from Manning Camp to Mica Peak 

71 
via Spud Rock and back twice per day. 

When the Park Service officially began to administer Saguaro National 
Monument in 1934, the temporary custodians who served there 
approximately four months per year were absent during the fire season. 
As a consequence an agreement was made with the Forest Service by 
which that agency would continue to handle fire prevention and 
suppression. In 1937 Forest Service officials told the Park Service that 
the practice of riding patrols had not proven to be adequate. As a 
consequence, the two agencies agreed that the Park Service would 
purchase a 100-foot steel fire watch tower and the Forest Service would 
erect it on Mica Mountain. The Park Service did not question the location 
since no one from that agency had been to Mica Mountain. The 
unassembled tower was bought and delivered to the Rincon Ranger Station 
in 1937. It remained there over winter and the next May the CCC moved 
it by mules to Spud Rock. From there the Forest Service took it to Mica 
Mountain and began to erect it on June 13, 1938. It was completed by 
the end of the month. Several years later the Park Service learned that 
the Forest Service wanted the tower on Mica Mountain because it provided 



71. Lauver, "A History of the Use and Management of the Forested 
Lands of Arizona, 1862-1936," 109; W. Ward Yeager, "Saguaro National 
Monument Special Report of Forest Protection Requirements as Part of the 
Master Plan Study" (May 4, 1937), 3, Folder 600-01, Master Plan, 
Saguaro National Monument Files; Arizona Star (Tucson), May 8, 1966; 
Don Egermayer, former SAGU Custodian to Harold Jones, Superintendent, 
SAGU, April 9, 1971, Folder, Monument Personnel, Saguaro National 
Monument Files. 



156 



good coverage of the Santa Catalina Mountains which were their territory. 
It proved of very little use in detecting fires on the national monument. 

During the forty years of its use Park Service fire watch personnel 

72 

provided a valuable service to their neighbor. 



On January 6, 1940 Custodian Egermayer learned that the Forest 
Service intended to withdraw all assistance for fire protection on the 
monument except for cooperation in detecting forest fires. As a result, 
he hired one man for fire watch duty on Mica Mountain beginning May 2 
and a second person to start June 1. They worked until mid-September. 
At that time the Park Service continued the Forest Service policy 
regarding forest fires. As indicated in the 1942 forest fire control plan, 

the "primary aim is to PUT OUT all fires, confining the area burned to 

73 
the smallest possible minimum, and to KEEP THEM OUT." 

The Park Service decided that the existing Forest Service trail 
s system of about fifty miles was sufficient for protection. These trails 
consisted of the following: 

1. Chimenea Trail - twelve miles from the Rincon Ranger Station to 
Manning Camp. 

2. Happy Valley Saddle Trail - fifteen miles from the Rincon 
Ranger Station to Manning Camp via the Happy Valley Saddle. 
It was the only trail toward the eastern boundary. 

3. Manning Camp - Spud Rock - Mica Peak Trail - six mile trail 
used by the Forest Service for patrol. 



72. Yeager, "Saguaro National Monument Special Report of Forest 
Protection," 3; Herbert Maier, Acting Regional Director, Region Three to 
the Director NPS, May 27, 1938, Folder, 620-37, Lookout Stations, 
Saguaro National Monument Files; Egermayer to Jones, April 9, 1971. 

73. Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports (Saguaro), January and 
May 1940; Egermayer to Jones, April 19, 1971; Forest Fire Control Plan 
for 1942, Saguaro National Monument, March 1, 1942, Saguaro National 
Monument Files. 



157 



4. Happy Valley Saddle to Rincon Peak Trail - four miles. 

5. Telephone Line Trail - ten miles along the telephone line from 
Rincon Ranger Station to the junction of the line with Manning 
Camp - Happy Valley Saddle Trail. 

6. Lateral trails - several uninvestigated trails leading from the 

. . .. 74 
main trails. 

Under the arrangement that Egermayer established, the lookout tower 
man arrived in the mountains about a month before the fire guard 
patrolman. The living quarters for both men was Manning Cabin as it 
had been with the Forest Service. Each morning the lookout rode to the 
tower while the patrolman walked the trail from Manning Camp to Reef 
Rock to Mica Mountain Lookout to Spud Rock and back to Manning Camp. 
Telephones at each of the patrol stops kept the two men in hourly 
contact. Men in Forest Service lookout posts on Mt. View and Mt. 
Bigelow in the Santa Catalina Mountains watched for fires on part of the 
monument while the Park Service man observed the Santa Catalina 
Mountains from the Mica Mountain lookout tower. It was thought that the 
highest occurrence zone for fires on the monument was in a ten section 
area surrounding Manning Camp and Mica Mountain. 

In 1941 the patrol route changed. Man Head was added as a patrol 
lookout point and Spud Rock was dropped except in extreme fire danger. 
At the time of extreme danger the patrol loop was walked continuously. 
This situation required the aid of a third patrolman. In case of fire, 

nearby ranchers, who held grazing allotments, could be contacted for men 

7fi 
and horses, and help could be obtained from the Forest Service. 



74. "A Preliminary Report for the Master Plan - Saguaro National 
Monument Arizona," 5-6; W. Ward Yeager, "Forest Protection Plan of 
Saguaro National Monument" (March 1940), n.p., Saguaro National 
Monument Files. 

75. Yeager, "Forest Protection Plan of Saguaro National Monument," n.p. 

76. D.W. Egermayer, "Fire Protection Step-up Plan and Fire Control Plan 
for Saguaro National Monument" (1941 and 1942), n.p., Saguaro National 
Monument Files. 



158 



The next revision of the forest fire protection plan occurred in 1950. 
A two man horse patrol now rode a four station loop with observations 
made at Spud Rock, Mica Mountain, Reef Rock, and Man Head. It was 
ridden twice daily except in extreme fire danger. Additional fire-fighting 
agreements were reached with the Federal Prison camp in the Santa 
Catalina Mountains and Davis Monthan Air Base as well as the Forest 
Service and ranchers. The area considered to have the most frequent 
fires was broadened to an eighteen section zone surrounding Manning 
Camp, Mica Mountain lookout tower, Happy Valley Saddle, and Rincon 
Peak. Since much of the section of high fire occurrence could not be 
viewed from the Mica Mountain tower, a new tower was proposed for 
Rincon Peak. It was thought that such a tower would eliminate the need 
for patrols, but it was never constructed. 

In 1957 an additional lookout was established at Happy Valley Knoll 
to be used in times of extreme fire danger. Since it was not a part of 

the patrol loop, fire aids took turns staying there for five days. In 1960 

78 
that area was designated a lookout at all times during the fire season. 

Manning Cabin was used until 1958 to house lookout and patrol 
personnel. In that year a modular building was erected at Manning 
Camp. It contained modern conveniences including electricity supplied by 
a generator. This situation lasted until the summer of 1977 when Manning 

Cabin was once more used as quarters for fire fighters and the newer 

79 
buildings were removed. 



77. "Forest Protection Requirements Report for Saguaro National 
Monument" (February 20, 1950), 5-7; Harold M. Ratcliff, NPS Forester to 
Regional Forester, Region Three, March 9, 1950, Folder, 883#2, Forest 
Protection (General), Saguaro National Monument Files. 

78. Saguaro National Monument, Master Plan Development Outline, 1959; 
Arizona Star (Tucson), May 24, 1959, June 30, 1960. 

79. Arizona Star (Tucson), October 17, 1976. 



159 



In 1963 the forest fire lookout season changed from the period of 
May 1 to August 31 to one of greater duration. The duty time then went 
from mid-April to mid-October. Five fire guards were also employed 
instead of three. 

The year 1963 presaged a change in the Park Service's approach to 
forest fire control. At that time the Secretary of the Interior released a 
special report which stated that fire suppression had severely affected 
the ecosystems of many forest areas and, instead of suppression, fire 
should be used to preserve or restore the natural biotic scene. The 
National Park Service, however, did not adopt that policy until 1971. 
Saguaro National Monument became the first Park Service unit to which it 
was applied. Specifically the new policy for Saguaro stated: 



1. All man made fires would be suppressed as soon as 
possible. 

2. All fires that threatened cultural resources and physical 
facilities would be extinguished. 

3. Fires would not be permitted to burn in the Saguaro 
cactus forest excluded from grazing in 1957. 

4. Motorized fire fighting vehicles could not be used unless it 
was necessary to protect human life, cultural features, or 
property outside the monument. 

5. All natural fires were to be extinguished except when all 
of the following conditions prevail: 

a. The fire occurs between July 1 and September 
15. 

b. Accumulated rainfall beginning June 15 for the 
period exceeds two inches or more at Manning 
Camp. 

c. Summer monsoon rain pattern fully established. 

d. Buildup index not to exceed forty at Manning 
Camp. 

e. Spread,., index not to exceed thirty at Manning 
Camp. 



80. Master Plan for the Preservation and Use of Saguaro National 
Monument, Mission 66 Edition" (1963), 4, typescript in the National Park 
Service History Collection, Harpers Ferry Center, West Virginia. 

81. "Resource Management Plan: Saguaro National Monument," Appendix 
No. 1: A Natural Method of Introducing Prescribed Fire into Saguaro 
National Monument (ca. 1971), 4; "Draft Environmental Statement: Fire 
Management in the Western Region" (San Francisco: National Park 
Service Western Regional Office, ca. 1971), 4, 5, 9. 



160 



Several additions were made to the new fire management policy in 
1974. One such provision stated that all fires which threatened 
surrounding Forest Service land would be controlled. The other 
attachment, which dealt with air pollution, stated that the Pima County 
Air Pollution Control Department would be notified whenever a decision 
was made to allow a natural fire to burn uncontrolled. If that local 
agency declared a pollution alert and requested cooperation, then the fire 

op 

would be controlled or extinguished. 

This approach to forest fire management was reaffirmed in 1978. 
Surprisingly soon thereafter in that year, the Forest Service adopted the 
same plan for the forest adjacent to the national monument. This meant 
that natural fires which occurred on the monument under favorable 

conditions need not be controlled when they threatened the surrounding 

83 
national forest. 

G. The Park Service Approach to Grazing 

When the National Park Service received Saguaro National Monument, 
it inherited a situation which ran counter to its conservation policy. 
Livestock grazing on the monument became a troublesome issue even 
before the Park Service officially accepted administration in March 1934. 
Ranchers, alarmed at the potential transfer and thus assumed loss of 
grazing rights, complained to their political representatives of the 
impending peril. As a result, Park Service Director Cammerer 
pronounced that the transfer of land from one bureau to another need not 



82. "Resource Management Plan: Saguaro National Monument," 
Management Appendix No. 1, Addendum No 1 (February 1974), 1, 
Saguaro National Monument Files. 

83. Natural and Cultural Resources Management Plan and Environmental 
Assessment, Saguaro National Monument Arizona (June 1978), 8-12, 
Saguaro National Monument Files; Tucson Citizen , June 26, 1978; Arizona 
Star (Tucson), July 2, 1978. 



161 



eliminate grazing rights and did not affect valid existing rights. This 

statement gave little comfort to the ranchers who continued to campaign 

84 
for the return of a part of the monument to the Forest Service. 



The uncertainty over whether the Park Service would continue to 
administer the portion of the monument carved from national forest land 
or would transfer it back to the Forest Service remained for years. 
After it gained official control, this unsettled condition caused the Park 
Service to allow continued grazing. Director Cammerer, however, allowed 
that "eventually for the protection of certain desert flora, we may want to 
make some adjustments." 

Having determined not to end grazing rights on the monument, the 
Park Service did not face the issue for a year. In March 1935, however, 
Forest Supervisor Fred Winn wrote to Pinkley and announced that the five 
year Forest Service permits which covered a portion of the monument 
expired at the end of that month. Two of the allotments fell partly on 
the monument and partly on the national forest. Winn told Pinkley that 
permit renewal required Park Service approval. As a result, Pinkley 
asked Cammerer for advice. Should the Park Service allow the Forest 
Service to issue permits for it or should the Park Service develop its own 
permit system? Cammerer answered that, if it were impracticable to issue 
separate permits for the coming season, then Pinkley should allow the 
Forest Service to administer the program under a cooperative agreement. 
Pinkley chose the latter course and signed a memorandum of agreement in 
April 1935. The two agencies consented to let the Forest Service control 
permits for the 1935 grazing year with the Park Service receiving a 



84. Arno B. Cammerer, Director NPS to Representative Isabella 
Greenway, February 21, 1934, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence 
March 1, 1933-August 30, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central 
Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service, NA. 

85. Arno B. Cammerer, Director NPS to Frank Pinkley, June 7, 1934, 
Folder, Saguaro NM, General Correspondence November 17, 1933 to 
December 13, 1935, Saguaro National Monument Files. 



162 



proration of fees. If that arrangement were to continue, it would require 
a yearly agreement. This provisio meant that ranchers no longer could 
obtain multi-year permits. Each year for twelve years the two agencies 

QC 

renewed the agreement. 

The next decision involved whether to allow a grazing permit to be 
transferred to the new owner of a ranch or to terminate it. In late 1938 
J. Rukin Jelks, who held the Rincon Allotment, announced to Frank 
Pinkley that he had a buyer for his Casa Blanca Ranch (later X-9) if the 
grazing permit went with it. Although Jelks had been previously 
informed by the Park Service that permits would not be transferred to a 
new ranch owner, such a policy, he contended, meant a loss of money 
because it reduced the value of his ranch. Pinkley asked Director 
Cammerer if it were possible to forego the regulation and allow the buyer 
of Jelks' ranch to receive the permit. Cammerer acceded to Jelks 1 
request on the basis that it would not violate policy because it was 
doubted that the Park Service would retain much of the monument land. 
Although Jelks did not sell for two more years, the establishment of an 

exception to the rule allowed Melvill Haskell to market his property and 

87 
Pantano Allotment in 1939. 

Although Park Service personnel noticed the effects of overgrazing 
which the Forest Service seemingly permitted, nothing was done about the 



86. Frank Pinkley to the Director NPS, March 20, 1935; Arno B. 
Cammerer to Frank Pinkley, April 5, 1935; Memorandum of Agreement, 
April 1935, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence March 1, 1933-August 30, 
1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, 
Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, NA; Memorandum 
of Agreement, April 1935, File G, Cooperation, Coronado, National Park 
Service, Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson. 

87. Memorandum to the Director from Frank Pinkley, December 19, 1938; 
Memorandum for the Superintendent, Southwestern Monuments by Arno B. 
Cammerer, January 14, 1939, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence From 
September 1, 1937, National Monument, Saguaro 120, Central Classified 
File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, 
NA. 



163 



situation until ranch sales with the transfer of their attendant grazing 
allotments prompted a new policy. In 1941 the Forest Service agreed to 
reduce the number of livestock permitted to graze on an allotment each 
time a holder sold his property. Ten percent became the established 
reduction. 

In 1948 the memorandum of agreement for administration of grazing 
permits was amended to save an exchange of memoranda each year. An 
addendum permitted the memorandum of agreement to remain in force until 
terminated by either agency upon sixty days written notice. An 

additional modification was made in 1956 to allow the Forest Service to 

88 
issue ten-year permits. 

In 1973 the Forest Service decided not to continue administering 
grazing permits for the Park Service. Although two ranchers had 
voluntarily relinquished their permits by this time, there were still two 
active allotments. The Park Service granted the two remaining ranchers 
special use permits until the end of 1975 at which time grazing would end 
on the monument. Although a lawsuit allowed one permittee to graze 
cattle until 1979, he, too, gave way in the end. 

H. Presumed Death of the Saguaro 

In addition to all the other problems, a great fear arose among many 
Park Service people in the early 1940s that the saguaros would disappear 
from the monument as the victims of disease. Consequently, this 
situation provided some with more reason to question whether the Park 
Service should continue in its quest to consolidate its control of the 
monument. Basically, however, it spurred a movement to bring the 
monument totally under Park Service control. 



88. Memorandum of Agreement, 1948, File G, Cooperation, Coronado 
(Chiracahua Nat'l Monument), Coronado National Forest Headquarters, 
Tucson; Memorandum of Agreement, 1956, File G, Cooperation, National 
Park Service (Saguaro National Monument), Coronado National Forest 
Headquarters, Tucson. 



164 



Custodian Don Egermayer reported in May 1940 that he had observed 
a large number of saguaro with black spots. Some of these infected 
cactus had died. Word spread that the saguaro had a serious disease. 
Despite the assurance of three University of Arizona professors that the 
importance of the disease was overrated, Acting Region Three Director 

Milton McColm felt the affliction to be a very serious threat to the 

89 
saguaro. 

In March 1941 other University personnel came to the monument and 
determined the rot pockets on the saguaro were caused by bacterial 
necrosis. This bacteria, they decided, was spread by the larvae of a 
nocturnal moth which attacked the cactus. As a result, a request was 
made to obtain the services of a plant pathologist from the Bureau of 
Plant Industry of the Agriculture Department. Dr. Lake S. Gill of that 
agency appeared on April 4, 1941 to study the problem. He was assisted 
by Paul Lightle of the University of Arizona. Gill conducted an 
experiment during the winter of 1941-42. Each of the 12,750 saguaro in 
section 17, T14S R16E were numbered. The section was then divided in 

half. While nothing was done to the saguaro in the north part, the plan 

90 
was to remove and bury every diseased plant in the south portion. 

While Gill and Lightle were busy directing the cactus removal, the 
Park Service Regional Biologist from Santa Fe W.B. McDougall came to 
view the saguaro. He became dubious of Gill's efforts after Gill told him 



89. James L. Mielke, "Summary of Results of Control Experiments on 
Saguaro Disease, Saguaro National Monument," July 12, 1944, Folder 
883-06, Insect Infestations, Saguaro National Monument Files; Memorandum 
for the Director NPS by Milton McColm, Acting Regional Director, Region 
Three, February 14, 1941, Box 2363, Folder, Correspondence From 
September 1, 1937, National Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified 
File 1933-1949, Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service, 
NA; V.W. Saari, "Forest Protection Requirements Report for Saguaro 
National Monument" (June 1942), 28, Saguaro National Monument Files. 

90. Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports (Saguaro), March, April, 
and October 1941; Mielke, "Summary of Results of Control Experiments on 
Saguaro Disease." 



165 



that he had found references to the disease going back as far as 1886. 
McDougall felt that if the saguaro had survived for at least fifty years 
with the disease present then it was not likely they would be wiped out. 
After looking at the plants, he noted that the only place the disease 
seemed serious was in the areas of fully mature saguaro. As a resuit, 
McDougall recommended that "the National Park Service policy of allowing 
natural phenomena to proceed unmolested be adhered to." If this were 

done, he believed the saguaro stand would be thinned, but it would 

.. 91 
regenerate. 

The presumed disease continued to recur the next year, but, 
because of a labor shortage, these saguaro could not be removed. As a 
result, it was decided to try another experiment. It was based on an 
observation that when woodpeckers ate the drone fly larvae which lived in 
the rot pockets, they would inadvertantly open the pockets and cause 
them to dry up. James Mielke, who by this time had joined Gill, went 
about opening the lesions so they could dry. His examinations led him to 
suspect that the rot only killed very old saguaro or those with low vigor. 
The situation looked discouraging because saguaro on the monument were 
primarily aged. Man's activities such as wood cutting combined with 
overgrazing had reduced the vegetation required to protect saguaro 
seedlings and consequently there were almost no younger cactus. Mielke, 
however, never came to a positive conclusion that the disease was merely 

a natural phenomenon. Instead, he left the impression that the loss of 

92 
saguaro in 1944 would be higher than the previous year. 



91. Special Report by W.B. McDougall (ca. December 1941), 1-2, Box 
2363, Folder, Correspondence From September 1, 1937, National 
Monuments, Saguaro 120, Central Classified File 1933-1949, Record Group 
79, Records of the National Park Service, NA. 

92. Mielke, "Summary of Results of Control Experiments on Saguaro 
Disease;" Memorandum for the Regional Director, Region Three by Harold 
M. Ratcliff, Regional Forester, September 26, 1944, Folder, 204-10, By 
Field Officers, Saguaro National Monument Files. 



166 






Toward the end of 1944, the principal pathologist at the Bureau of 
Plant Industry offered to spray the saguaro with DDT as a means of 
killing the moth which was suspected of spreading the bacterial rot. He 
proposed using an airplane to apply the insecticide every six weeks. The 
pathologist acknowledged that at the same time all insects would be 
eliminated, but, he ventured, if the saguaro were valued above all else, 
the use of DDT would presumably allow them to survive for many more 
years. Several members of the Park Service opposed the use of DDT at 
the monument. Chief Forester J.D. Coffman notified the Bureau of Plant 
Industry that the Park Service would decline the offer. He noted that, 
since DDT was a potent chemical for which mixtures and dosages had not 
been established, there was a great potential for harmful effects beyond 
killing all insects. It was not known what the consequences would be to 
plants and soil as well as cold and warm-blooded animals. Biologist Victor 
Cahalane remarked that the saguaros were not the primary concern 
because the monument had been established to protect all plants and 

animals within the boundary. He ascribed the major cause of the problem 

93 
at Saguaro to cattle grazing. 

In mid-1946 Gill and Lightle produced a progress report on their 
study of bacterial rot in section 17. They came to the conclusion that 
fewer saguaro were dying. Mortality, they noted, was related to size 
with a higher death rate among the larger plants. They, however, 
offered only a tentative conclusion for this phenomenon. It was possible, 
Gill and Lightle thought, that since larger plants were older and 
therefore in a state of decline, they were less able to resist disease. 
They would not predict what the future would bring, but others did. 



93. Lee M. Hutchins, Principal Pathologist, Bureau of Plant Industry to 
J.D. Coffman, Chief Forester NPS, November 13, 1944; Office 
Memorandum to Mr. Drury by Victor H. Cahalane, December 20, 1944; 
Memorandum for the Director NPS by Chief Landscape Architect Thomas 
C. Vint, January 6, 1945; J.D. Coffman to Lee M. Hutchins, 
February 12, 1945, Folder, 883-06, Insect Infestations, Saguaro National 
Monument Files. 



167 



Region Three Director Tillotson believed that there soon would be no 
remaining saguaro and, therefore, recommended abolishing the monument. 
The Park Service chief of development concluded that, since there was no 

reproduction under the current situation, the rate of loss meant there 

94 
would not be any saguaro in fifteen years. 

At the same time another school of thought developed within the 
Park Service that perhaps followed the lead of Regional Biologist 
McDougall. To this group, the bacterial rot on saguaro was viewed as a 
natural occurrence and, therefore, should be allowed to take place. What 
worried these people was the lack of young cactus which they ascribed to 
the results of grazing. Without vital young saguaro to replace ancient, 
diseased ones a disastrous situation would occur. To end grazing and 
thus begin saguaro rejuvenation could only be accomplished by having 
Park Service ownership of all the monument land. Conditions were so 
serious, the chief of development thought, that the Park Service had to 
acquire the state and private land within one and a half years and end 
grazing on that acreage. This belief impressed Director Drury and led 
him to contact the University of Arizona President about obtaining that 
institution's land. This belief then led to the long negotiation which 

finally culminated in Park Service ownership and the salvation of the 

95 
saguaro. 

While Pathologist Gill finally decided without doubt in 1951 that the 
rot in saguaro was linked to overmaturity and did not threaten to kill all 



94. Lake S. Gill and Paul C. Lightle, "Analysis of Mortality in Saguaro 
Cactus" (June 30, 1946), 3-4, Saguaro National Monument Files; 
Memorandum for the Director, NPS by M.R. Tillotson, Regional Director, 
Region Three, July 18, 1945; Memorandum for the Director, NPS by Chief 
of Development, May 27, 1948. 

95. Memorandum for the Regional Director, Region Three by Harold M. 
Ratcliff, September 26, 1944; Office Memorandum to Mr. Drury by Victor 
H. Cahalane, December 20, 1944; Memorandum for the Director NPS by 
Thomas C. Vint, January 6, 1945; Memorandum for the Director by Chief 
of Development, May 27, 1948; Newton B. Drury, Director NPS to J. 
Byron McCormick, August 25, 1948. 



168 



the cactus, others began to experiment with seed germination. William 
Bryan of the Bureau of Plant Industry constructed a lath house in which 
to study saguaro seedlings. Boxes containing different soil nutrients 
were planted with seeds so that saguaro requirements could be better 
known. Stanley Alcorn of the Ornamental Plants Section in the 
Agriculture Department succeeded Bryan in 1955. He transplanted 
saguaro seedlings to study their survival and note the effects of 
fertilizing them in a natural setting. The experiments seem to have 
ended when the lath house burned thus destroying the seedlings. 

The breakthrough in understanding saguaro ecology came in the 
early 1960s. Between January 11 and 13, 1962 University of Arizona 
Professor Charles Lowe studied the effects of a winter freeze on 
saguaros. He found that those which had frozen tissue began to 
decompose. As a result he discovered that bacterial necrosis was not a 
disease but a natural process of tissue decomposition which developed 
about two years after freezing. His research uncovered the fact that 
during the winter of 1937 temperatures fell to twelve degrees, which made 
it one of the coldest periods in the century. Since it took several years 

for the frost damage to appear on the saguaro, the discovery of rotting 

97 
in 1940 led people to assume it was a disease. 

Lowe and others recognized, of course, that causes other than 
freezing had an effect on the saguaro population. Grazing reduced the 
number of nurse plants as well as caused erosion. Livestock also 
trampled young saguaro, and destroyed and spread organic matter which 



96. L.S. Gill, "Mortality in the Giant Cactus at Saguaro National 
Monument 1941-50" (January 31, 1951), 4; Saguaro National Monument 
Files; Superintendent's Monthly Report (Saguaro), November 1951, March 
1953, October 1954, August and November, 1955. 

97. W.A. Niering, R.H. Whittaker, C.H. Lowe, "The Saguaro: A 
Population in Relation to Environment," Science 142 (October 4, 1963), 
16; Charles H. Lowe, "Life and Death of the Saguaro in Arizona" (Extract 
of a paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Institute of 
Biological Sciences, University of Maryland, August 17, 1966); Arizona 
Republic (Phoenix), November 26, 1978. 



169 



provided a good microclimate for germination. Rodents ate seedlings. 
Killing coyotes allowed an increase in the rodent population which, in 
turn, meant the loss of greater numbers of cactus. In the past 
woodcutters destroyed nurse plants and cactus thieves removed large 
numbers of intermediate-sized saguaro. 

I . Second World War Period Aircraft Crashes 

Three military aircraft crashed in Saguaro National Monument in the 
period July 30, 1943 to January 20, 1945. The first plane to go down 
was a B-24D, Consolidated "Liberator," heavy bomber with all nine aboard 
killed. Its impact location was approximately three-fourths mile east of 
Juniper Basin camp. The plane cut a swath about 200 yards by 
seventy-five feet and burned. The wreckage remained until Donald 
Harris, who operated a scrap firm, received permission from the National 
Park Service to remove it. He accomplished that task 

between April and June 1960. Some small pieces of debris remain at the 

99 
site and one propellor may be found one-fourth mile northeast. 

The second crash involved a UC-78B, Cessna "Bobcat" trainer. It 
crashed about 1-a miles northeast of Happy Valley Lookout during a 
rainstorm on November 28, 1944 killing all three aboard. Although it 
landed in full flight, it did not burn. Helicopters were used in 1979 to 



98. Lowe, "Life and Death of the Saguaro in Arizona;" W.A. Niering and 
R.H. Whittaker, "The Saguaro Problem and Grazing in Southwestern 
National Monuments," National Parks Magazine 39 (June 1965), 4-9; 
Warren Steenburgh and Charles Lowe, Ecology of the Saguaro : J_[, 
Reproduction , Germination , Establishment , Growth , and Survival of the 
Young Plant , National Park Service Scientific Monograph Series, No. 8 
(Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1977), 167-168. 

99. Lawrence V. Tagg, "Aircraft Crashes in the Rincon Mountains" 
(March 15, 1984), 1, typescript copy courtesy of the author; 
Southwestern Monuments Monthly Report (Saguaro), August 1943; 
Handwritten Report by J. Peavy (SAGU employee), July 31, 1943, Folder, 
207, Reports (General), Saguaro National Monument Files; Memorandum to 
the Superintendent (SAGU) by Louis L. Gunzel, Chief Ranger, May 7, 
1970, Folder, Airplane Accidents, Saguaro National Monument Files. 



170 



salvage the remains which were used by the Pima County Air Museum to 
reconstruct another plane now on display. 



The last craft to crash was a B-25D, North American "Mitchell" 
medium bomber. It impacted on January 20, 1945 during a snowstorm 
while enroute from Kelley Field in Texas to Tucson. All five men aboard 
the plane died when it exploded and burned. The bomber suffered 
further destruction from explosives after the army recommended that it be 

destroyed on site. The crash site was located on the east side of Wrong 

101 
Mountain, in December 1984. 

J. Dude Ranches 

The first enterprising individual to operate a resort near Saguaro 
National Monument (Rincon Unit) was James P. Fuller. About 1879 he 
established Fuller's Springs or Agua Caliente, as it was also called, 
approximately four miles north of the monument's boundary (Figure 6). 
Fuller advertised that the resort was for "those who seek temporary 
recreation away from the heat and business of the city." He had cottages 

and hotel accommodations as well as medicated water that was eighty-eight 

102 
degrees. 

The real dude ranching in the Rincon area, however, began on 
October 1, 1928, when James Converse added that dimension to his 
Tanque Verde Ranch. He remodeled the main ranch house and added 
guest rooms to the north. Since Tucson was an attractive winter vacation 



100. Tagg, "Aircraft Crashes in the Rincon Mountains," 2; Memorandum 
for the Regional Director, Region Three by Saguaro Custodian Paul 
Beaubien, December 27, 1944, Folder, 207-02.3, Superintendents, Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 

101. Tagg, "Aircraft Crashes in the Rincon Mountains," 2-3; Memorandum 
for the Regional Director, Region Three, February 27, 1945, Folder, 
207-02.3, Superintendents, Saguaro National Monument Files. 

102. Barter, Directory of the City of Tucson for the Year 1881 , 41. 



171 



area even during the 1930s, Converse had no trouble filling his guest 

103 
rooms and the same held true for other dude ranches in the area. 



Although a few guest ranches opened during the Second World War, 
such as the Bar BR near the Rincon Unit, the real boom for such 
operations began just after the end of that conflict. During that period 
the Tucson area had about 100 dude ranches. Horseback riding was the 
most popular sport. Those ranches near the monument east of Tucson, in 
addition to the Bar BR, which accommodated sixteen guests, included the 
Arrow H with housing for ten, the Lazy Vee, just south of the monument, 
with room for twenty people, the Thunderhead Ranch on the western 
boundary with accommodations for twelve, and the Tanque Verde Guest 
Ranch to the north with lodging for twenty-four people. During this 
period, Converse kept about fifty head of horses, used for guest riding, 
on the cactus area and his grazing allotments. About 1950 the 49ers 
Ranch Resort came into existence. It advertised camping trips for 
tourists into the monument. Several small dude ranches such as the Lazy 

K Bar, Picture Rock Ranch, and Sundancer Saddle and Surrey Ranch 

104 
developed in the 1940s and 1950s in the Tucson Mountain area. 

In the 1960s and 1970s the number of dude ranches began to dwindle 
until by the 1980s there were less than a dozen. The Tanque Verde 
Guest Ranch on the north side of the Rincon Unit is the only such 



103. Elmer E. Davis, "Where the Ancient and Modern Meet-Tanque Verde 
Ranch," Progressive Arizona and the Great Southwest (September 1928), 
23-24; Custodian's Monthly Reports (Saguaro), December 1939, March 
1943. 

104. "The Distaff Wranges Dudes," The Magazine Tucson 2 (October 
1949), 24-25; Susan Penn, "Tucson's Ranch Resorts Fewer But Booming," 
Tempo 2 (January 24-February 6, 1980), 4; "List of Guest Ranches Along 
Southern Pacific Lines and Resort Hotels and Ranch Schools in Southern 
Arizona," September 1, 1947; "Arizona Ranches, Resorts, Hotels," 
compiled and distributed by the Valley National Bank, September 1947; 
"They were City Folk Once, TOO!" The Magazine Tucson 2 (October 
1949), 26; John Clausen, "Dude Ranches," Tucson Magazine 3 (December 
1977), 16, 18; "Hi-Ho Sisson," The Magazine Tucson 2 (October 
1949), 20. 



172 



operation in that area. Under different ownership since the 1950s, it has 
greatly expanded to the point that it can accommodate 125 guests. With 
its stable of 100 horses, riders daily cover the monument for short 
periods or even go on overnight campouts into the Rincons. Several 
small guest ranches such as the Lazy K Bar and White Stallion Ranch still 

exist in the Tucson Mountains. These do not advertise overnight 

105 
campouts, but riders can go on excursions of up to all day. 

Dude ranches and a growing horse-owning population on the 
monument's boundaries began to cause ecological problems by the 
mid-1960s, especially in the Rincon Unit. Increased horseback outings 
with unlimited access to the monument and with no restraint on the riding 
areas have caused a proliferation of trails with resulting vegetation 
destruction and erosion. This situation had reached such proportions by 
1973 that bridle trail construction was contemplated, but as yet nothing 
has been done to alleviate the problem. Some limit on the number of 
riders or restriction on the riding area will have to be addressed to 
preserve the desert ecosystem. 



105. "Tucson Vacation Living: Places to Stay, Things to See, Places to 
Go, Outstanding Events," (n.p., 1967), 28; Penn, "Tucson's Ranch 
Resorts Fewer But Booming," 4-5. 

106. Chairman Harold T. Coss, Jr. (SAGU), Environmental Management 
Committee to Superintendent, SAGU, April 21, 1969, Box SAGU, Folder, 
Saguaro NM, Harpers Ferry Center, West Virginia; Superintendent's 
Annual Report (Saguaro) 1973; Terry D. Shand and A. Heaton Underhill, 
"Saguaro National Monument: Recreational Use by Visitors, Neighbors, 
and Organized Groups," Technical Report No. 15 (Tucson: University of 
Arizona, May 1985), 30. 



173 



CHAPTER FIVE: A HISTORY OF MANNING CABIN 



Levi Howell Manning was born in Halifax County, North Carolina in 

1864. In his youth his parents moved to Mississippi. After graduating 

from the University of Mississippi he migrated to Tucson in 1884. Since 

he had little money at the time, Manning got a job driving an ice wagon. 

Soon he became a reporter for the Star and then the Citizen . By 1885 he 

held the position of Chief of the Mineral Department in the Office of the 

United States Surveyor General for the Territory of Arizona. In his 

successful career he next entered into partnership with Frank Oury in 

the real estate and mining business. When Oury was killed, Manning took 

over the company. In 1893 President Cleveland appointed him the United 

States Surveyor General for Arizona Territory. By 1900 he established 

the L.H. Manning and Company commission brokerage house. Beginning 

in 1905 he held one term as Mayor of Tucson. By 1910 he expanded into 

the ranching business and raised pure blooded cattle and horses. Among 

his holdings were the Canoa, Scotch, and La Osa ranches. He died in 

1 
1935 while at his summer home in Beverly Hills, California. 

In 1904 Manning filed for a 160 acre homestead in the Rincon 
Mountains where he planned to build a summer cabin retreat. That same 
year he had Mexican workmen construct an eleven mile wagon road to the 
proposed cabin site (see base map). The following year, 1905, Manning 
erected tents on his mountain land in which to house a Mexican workforce 
while they built his cabin. Provisions, tools, and equipment were taken 
to the area by pack horse and wagon over the newly constructed road. 
Manning's ranch foreman, David Waldon, oversaw fabrication of the 
structure. Trees for the cabin were felled in the immediate area. After 
it was completed in mid-summer 1905, the Manning family used this 
structure as a summer home to escape the heat of Tucson and as a cool 



Arizona Star (Tucson), December 3, 1933, August 8, 1935. 



175 



place where friends could be entertained. Manning was the first to build 

2 
such a cabin retreat in the mountains. 



As constructed Manning's cabin was a log structure. Daubing sealed 

the cracks between the logs. Rolled roofing covered the sheathing that 

was placed over the log trusses (Photos 1-5). On the interior the cabin 

consisted of a living room with a fireplace, a kitchen, two bedrooms, and 

two, small bunk rooms (Figure 13). Manning had a piano hauled by 

3 
wagon to the cabin. 

In mid-1907 Manning's homestead rights were revoked when that area 

of the Rincon Mountains was attached to the Santa Catalina Division of the 

Coronado National Forest. He then leased the land from the Forest 

Service for several years, but the family did not use the cabin after the 

summer of 1907. For the next thirteen to fourteen years only an 

occasional hunter, rancher, or forest ranger visited the structure (Photos 

6 and 7). In 1922 the Forest Service decided to move the quarters for 

its fire watch and trail crew from Spud Rock Cabin to Manning Cabin 

4 
even though the structure had begun to deteriorate by 1914. 

An article in the Arizona Star of 1959 claimed that Manning had a 
bedroom and storage space in a lean-to attached to the cabin. Since this 
addition had not weathered well over the years, the Forest Service 
removed it in 1922 and thereby reduced the living space. If that article 
is correct the lean-to would have had to have been on the back or west 
side of the cabin as photographs do not reveal any such rooms on the 



2. Data on Manning Camp in the Rincon Mountains as told by Mr. 
Howell Manning, son of L.H. Manning, the Original Builder and Owner; 
Arizona Star (Tucson), August 2, 1959; Arizona Citizen 
(Tucson), August 24, 1907. 

3. Data on Manning Camp in the Rincon Mountains as told by Mr. 
Howell Manning, son of L.H. Manning, the Original Builder and Owner. 

4. A rizona Star (Tucson), August 2, 1959, April 14, 1976; Data on 
Manning Camp in the Rincon Mountains as told by Mr. Howell Manning, 
son of L.H. Manning, the Original Builder and Owner. 



176 



North 



> 



Bunkroom 


Bunkroom 


Kitchen 






Hall \ 








Bedroom 


Fireplace 






Bedroom 


Living Room 







\ 



Figure 13 
Original Floor Plan of Manning Cabin as Described by Howell Manning 



Photo 1 

Manning Cabin ca. 1906 

Saguaro National Monument Files 



This view of the structure shows its east side. The living room is on the 
right. The cabin's central section is enclosed with verticle, daubed 
slabs. One can see the rolled roofing. The butt ends of the log trusses 
extend beyond the edge of the eaves. There are no windows on this side 
of the living quarters and no door in what became the storage shed. 



178 






Photo 2 

Manning Cabin 1906 

Saguaro National Monument Files 



This picture gives a close-up of the roof and the daubing between the 
logs on the east side of the living room. 



180 



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Photo 4 

Manning Cabin ca. 1906-07 

Saguaro National Monument Files 

A close-up of the east side of the living room. Here the bottom portion 
of the door can be seen. 



184 





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Photo 6 

Manning Cabin ca. 1909-10 

Saguaro National Monument Files 



A view of the east side of the living room. The cabin appears to be in 
good condition although the butt ends of the wall logs seem to have 
begun to crack. The two men are probably Forest Service employees. 



188 




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fsOm. 



Photo 7 

Manning Cabin ca. 1912-14 

Saguaro National Monument Files 



A picture of the east side of the living room and part of the central area. 
The structure shows evidence of deterioration. The rolled roofing has 
begun to peel and the daubing has disappeared from between the vertical 
slabs of the walkway. 



190 



ends or east side. A 1976 article in the same newspaper, which is 
probably the correct version, indicated that the dimensions of the cabin 
of Manning's day was the same as the one that stands today. 



When the Forest Service decided to use the cabin in 1922, it made 
some repairs. The structure was reroofed. In addition the interior wall 
between the kitchen and living room was undoubtedly removed at this 
time. A concrete floor was poured in that area which then became a 
kitchen and bedroom. The central verticle board portion, which had 
decayed, was removed thus separating the structure into two buildings. 
Three men stayed there. Two people served as trail crew keeping the 
fire trails serviceable and the third „ man rode horseback on fire guard 
patrol making two rounds per day on a circuit of four lookout points. 
This situation prevailed at least through 1937. The firewatch tower built 

on Mica Mountain in 1938 necessitated at least one additional man for the 

6 
area. 

A little over two years after the Park Service acquired the national 
monument, Region Three Assistant Forester Ward Yeager inspected 
Manning Camp. He found two log buildings there. Because it had 
decayed, the Forest Service had removed the central part in the 1920s. 
Both buildings, he thought, were in serviceable condition. One of these 
structures was large enough to function as a kitchen/dining room for a 
crew of eight and sleeping space for two men. The other building, Yeager 
reported, would provide sleeping quarters for four to six men. When 
Yeager returned in 1940 just prior to the Park Service's first year in 
charge of forest fire protection on the monument, he found Manning cabin 



5. Arizona Star (Tucson), August 2, 1959, April 14, 1976. 

6. Arizona Star (Tucson), August 2, 1959; Telephone conversation with 
Theodore Knipe by Berle Clemensen, May 14, 1986. Knipe worked on 
Forest Service trail crews from 1927-32. Part of the time he lived at 
Manning Cabin. 



192 



in an advanced state of decay. He felt it would require complete 
reconstruction within two years. 



For the next three years, the Park Service fire guard stayed in the 
Manning structures although they continued to decay. At the close of 
each of those fire seasons, braces were placed under the rafters to 
prevent snow from collapsing the roofs during the winter. During the 
period Custodian Egermayer and Region Three Forester V.W. Saari 
advocated that the Manning buildings be abandoned in favor of a new fire 
guard cabin at the Mica Mountain lookout tower. Saari expected the 
kitchen/dining room cabin to soon collapse. Not only had the roof begun 
to sag, but the logs had rotted and the front wall had begun to bow 
outward. 

Finally, in the summer of 1943 both structures were repaired. The 

front wall of the kitchen/dining room building was straightened and rock 

buttresses were built on either side of the front door to reinforce the 

wall (Photo 8). The logs were redaubed. The structures received new 

roofs. Doors and broken window glass were replaced and screens 

installed over them. Two years later the central portion was 

reconstructed as a walkway and thus Manning's cabin became one building 

9 
again (Figure 14). 



7. W. Ward Yeager, "Special Report Saguaro National Monument" 
(September 1936), Folder, 207, Reports (General), Saguaro National 
Monument Files; Yeager, "Forest Protection Plan of Saguaro National 
Monument," March 1940. 

8. Memorandum for the Regional Director, Region Three by V.W. Saari, 
October 10, 1941, Folder, 204-10, by Field Officers; Memorandum for 
Acting Superintendent McColm, Southwestern National Monuments by 
Custodian (SAGU) Don Egermayer, November 9, 1941; V.W. Saari, 
"Forest Protection Requirements Report for Saguaro National Monument," 
June 1942; Memorandum for the Regional Director, Region Three by S.T. 
Carlson, Associate Regional Forester, August 17, 1942, Folder, 204-10, 
by Field Officers, Saguaro National Monument Files; Custodian's Monthly 
Report (SAGU), September 1942. 

9. Custodian's Monthly Reports (SAGU), August, September 1943, 
June, July 1945; Memorandum for the Regional Director, Region Three by 
Superintendent (SAGU) Paul Beaubien, June 26, 1945, Folder, 207-02.3, 
Superintendents, Saguaro National Monument Files. 



193 



North 



> 



Storage Room 



"\ 



X 



"Dog Run" 

Covered Walkway 

(now enclosed) 



\ 



Fireplace 



Living Quarters 
(Cabin) 



\ 



Figure 14 
Present-day Manning Cabin Floor Plan 



In June 1946 a wall was built on the west side of the walkway and 
two "more" windows were installed in the cabin. Historically, the cabin 
had no windows on the east. Since the cabin currently has two windows 
in front (Photo 8) and one in back (west), one or two of these windows 
was probably installed by the Forest Service. The window on the south 
end of the storage shed was probably placed there by that agency as 
well . 

Periodic repairs and improvements continued to be made. In 1949 a 
concrete floor was put in the storage room and the interior of the cabin 
painted a light color. Corrugated metal roofing was put on the cabin in 
1950, but not the walkway or the storage room (Photos 10 and 11). The 
storeroom received new rolled roofing in 1963 and the entire structure 
was re-caulked (daubed) in that year. In August 1966 the covered 
walkway (or "dog run" as it was now called) was completely removed and 
reconstructed because heavy snow the previous winter had caused it to 
partly collapse (Photos 9, 10, 11). After it was rebuilt it was enclosed 
on both sides (Photos 11 and 12). The following summer both the storage 
room and cabin roofs were removed to the truss beams and rebuilt. They 
were then covered with green colored, asphalt shingles. These roof 
sections had begun to leak badly despite the corrugated metal roofing 
over composition shingles and rolled roofing. The roof was also home to 
many bats about which the ranger's wife protested. She found them more 
objectionable than the four footed mammals and various reptiles which also 
occupied the cabin. In 1976 the interior and exterior doors were rebuilt. 
In the fall of 1985 the cabin portion was again reroofed with asphalt 
shingles (Photos 12 and 13). The remainder of the roof was completed in 
the summer of 1986. At the same time ten percent of the fireplace joints 
were repointed, the cabin foundation was reconstructed with mortared 
stone and the bottom logs were replaced on the east, north, and west 
sides. The stone buttresses on either side of the east door were 



10. Memorandum for the Regional Director, Region Three by Paul 
Beaubien, June 26, 1946, Folder, 207-02.3, Superintendents, Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 



195 



removed. A gutter was attached on the east. A new bottom log was 

placed on the east side of the storage room south of the door. The 

foundation on the south end of that structure was repointed and new 

daubing was placed on that wall. In addition ninety-five percent of the 

overall east wall was redaubed along with 100 percent of the north and 

11 

thirty percent of the west walls (Photos 14 and 15). 



11. Memorandum for the Regional Forester, Region Three by Harold M. 
Ratcliff, June 21, 1949, Folder 204-10, by Field Officers, Saguaro 
National Monument Files; Superintendent's Monthly Report (SAGU), 
August 1949, September 1950, June and July 1963, June 1967; Chief 
Ranger's Monthly Report (SAGU), August 1966. 



196 



Photo 8 

Manning Cabin May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This view of the east side of the living room shows the rock buttresses 
on either side of the door. Placed there in 1943 to prevent the wall from 
collapsing, they originally sloped from roof to ground. At an unknown 
time they were cut back to the L-shaped appearance shown in the 
picture. These buttresses were removed in the summer of 1986. 



Photo 9 

Manning Cabin "Dog Run" (Walkway) August 1966 

Saguaro National Monument Files 

This photograph taken of the west side and shows the roof supports 
before they were removed during the time the walkway was razed and 
reconstructed in 1966. One can see the corrugated metal roofing put on 
the living quarters in 1950 and the rolled roofing placed on the storage 
shed in 1963. 



198 



Photo 10 

Manning Cabin "Dog Run" (Walkway) August 1966 

Saguaro National Monument Files 



A picture of the new framing of the walkway during reconstruction in 
1966 taken from the east. 



200 



/ 



Photo 11 

Manning Cabin "Dog Run" (Walkway) August 1966) 

Saguaro National Monument Files 



A view of the nearly reconstructed walkway from the west side. One can 
see the contrast in the roofing material. 



202 



Photo 12 

Manning Cabin May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



Again, one can see the contrast in roofing material. The living quarters 
asphalt shingles (right) were placed there in the fall of 1985. The 
walkway asphalt shingles put on in 1966 and the storage room (left) 
roofing applied in 1967. One can also see the plywood used to enclose 
the east side of the walkway in 1966. 



Photo 13 

Manning Cabin May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



A contrast between the 1966 and 1985 asphalt shingles of the walkway and 
living quarters. Those shingles on the walkway were replaced in the 
summer of 1986. 



204 




f.vxe 



><fV 




Photo 14 

Manning Cabin May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



The north end of the cabin showing the exterior of the fireplace with its 
unhistorical metal covering. 



Photo 15 

Manning Cabin May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This photograph reveals the typical decaying butt ends of logs which are 
located on the east side of the cabin at the south end of the "dog run." 



206 



CHAPTER SIX : 
DESCRIPTION AND EVALUATION OF HISTORICAL RESOURCES 



The following properties possess varying degrees of historical 
interest. Unfortunately, information was spotty or nonexistent in some 
instances. Those properties not deemed to have sufficient value to be 
placed on the National Register of Historic Places should be retained and 
could play a useful role in the interpretive program. 

A. Mining in the Tucson Mountain Unit 

The Tucson Mountain Unit partly covered the Amole Mining District 
where numerous claims were recorded. Nearly all of the location 
descriptions of these claims are so vague as to make it impossible to 
establish where they are situated. Although 149 earth disturbances from 
a few feet to 425 feet deep have been recorded as mining activity in this 
unit of Saguaro National Monument, only two, the Gould and Mile Wide 
have any significance. They were the only producing mines. The others 
were classified as prospect shafts or tunnels which meant that not enough 
ore was extracted to ship to a smelter. As a result, only the Gould and 
Mile Wide mines will be nominated to the National Register as typical mines 
which provoked interest and great expectations for the Amole Mining 
District. Wayside exhibits could be placed on each of the two sites 
telling of the activity that occurred there. The remainder of the shafts 
and prospect holes have no significance. 

S.H. Gould established the Gould Copper Mining Company and filed 
on nineteen claims about 1906 during the period of the greatest rush to 
stake claims in the Tucson Mountains. Although he did encounter some 
financial problems during the 1907 depression, a mortgage enabled him to 
keep his Gould Mine operating. His operation prompted the Arizona Star 
to declare that his mine showed that the Tucson Mountains had been 
overlooked as an important copper area. That newspaper proved to be 
incorrect, for, although Gould managed to recover some 45,000 pounds of 
copper before he ceased operation in 1911, the profit from the mine was 



209 



not sufficient to offset the costs. Gould was forced from the company 
leadership and in 1915 it went bankrupt. From 1911 until it permanently 
closed in 1954 the mine was operated only sporadically. The 130 tons of 
ore extracted in the last four months the mine functioned contained only 
two percent copper and fifty-one ounces of silver. This amount proved 
too little to allow a small concern to operate. There are no physical 
descriptions of the number or types of structures associated with the 
mine or their location. The mine shaft and a shell of the powder house 
are all that remain (Photos 16 and 17). 

At the turn of the century L. Martin Waer and Pedro Pellon filed 

several claims in the Amole Mining District among which was the Copper 

King (later called the Mile Wide). By 1907, when they ceased operation, 

they had sunk an exploratory shaft to a depth of eighty-six feet without 

striking any profitable ore. Waer tried to lease the Copper King to the 

Morgan Consolidated Gold and Copper Mining Company in 1914 without 

success. The next year, however, Charles Reiniger and J.H. King signed 

an option to purchase the property along with Waer's other claims. 

Reiniger established the Mile Wide Copper Company. It was so named 

because the width of the claims was a mile wide. He concentrated on the 

Copper King which became known as the Mile Wide Mine. In the process 

of development Reiniger abandoned Waer's old shaft in favor of a new site 

up the hill. While mining at that location he reported a copper strike 

which purportedly would be the equal if not superior to the largest 

Arizona copper mines. As a result, stock sales increased and Reiniger 

further developed the property. He built four houses, a work shop, 

1 
mess house, rock crusher, and mill. In addition he improved the road 

to make it possible for his six trucks to haul more ore to Tucson for rail 

shipment to the smelter at Sasco which was just north of Silver Bell. 



1. These abandoned buildings were mentioned in a 1932 resurvey of the 
area. Hiester, "Field Notes of the Survey and Resurvey of a Portion of 
the Subdivisional Lines, Completing the Survey of Township 13 South, 
Range 12 East, and, Retraced Boundaries of Patented Mineral Claims in 
said Township, Book 3972, February 27-March 15, 1932. 



210 



Reiniger used the mining activity and the promotional hype to 
practice fraud on the stockholders. In late 1919 he disappeared taking 
half the money derived from stock sales. In addition he sold up to 
$100,000 of his own stock before his departure. Although the 
stockholders brought a suit against him and won, the absence of Reiniger 
forced the company to liquidate its holdings. The real estate was 
purchased by the Union Copper Company of Pittsburgh and the equipment 
auctioned for $3,000. That company did some development work, but in 
1929 it sold the property to H.S. Diller and Associates of New York. 
Diller operated the Mile Wide until the depression forced a halt to the 
operation by the end of 1930. At that point the mine had produced 
70,000 pounds of copper valued at $10,000 and $15,000 in silver. Most of 
that production occurred during the Reiniger period. The Mile Wide 
opened briefly in late 1942, but L.M. Vreeland and Ralph Campbell, who 
leased it, managed to ship only four carloads of ore before abandoning it 
by the end of 1943. It never operated again. Today, all that remains of 
the mine are the two shafts and the foundations of some of the buildings 
which Charles Reiniger constructed (Photos 18 and 19). 



B. Mining in the Rincon Mountain Unit 

A portion of the Rincon Mining District covered part of the Rincon 
Mountain Unit. As the least of the Pima County mining districts, no 
known production was ever recorded. Mining activity, however, did 
occur within the monument boundary and the Loma Verde was the best 
known of the mines. Numerous prospect holes and some other mine shafts 
can be found as well. Most of these sites are on the headwaters area of 
Rincon Creek with several located on the western slope of the Tanque 
Verde Mountains. Thirty prospect holes in the cactus forest area were 
filled by the Civilian Conservation Corps in the mid-1930s. Because of 
the dearth of information on these mines and prospect holes, and since 
there is no recorded production from them, none merit nomination to the 
National Register of Historic Places. 



211 



Photo 16 

Gould Mine Shaft May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



Photo 17 

Gould Mine Powder House May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



These uncoursed stone walls are of the only remaining structure at the 
Gould mine site. 



212 




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Photo 18 

Mile Wide Mine Upper Shaft May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



Photo 19 

Mile Wide Mine Tailings May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



214 



C . Lime Manufacturing on Both Saguaro National Monument Units 

Although a number of lime kilns were said to have operated on the 
monument, the remains of only four kilns (two in each unit) have been 
identified. Since these kilns represent the remnant of a once active local 
industry, they are worthy of nomination to the National Register of 
Historic Places. The two kilns in the Rincon Mountain Unit have been 
placed on the Arizona State Register of Historic Places. 

The beginning date for local lime manufacture cannot be established 
with certainty although tradition states that the first kilns to operate in 
the Rincon Unit supplied lime for the construction of Fort Lowell in 1873. 
This belief was false, for lime was not used at that post until 1882. Lime 
production probably did not begin much before 1880 as most accounts of 
Tucson to that time described the village as a collection of unwhitewashed 
adobe structures. The Southern Pacific Railroad, which reached Tucson 
from the west in March 1880, promoted prosperity and, therefore, a 
demand for better housing. Since California lime was advertised for a 
time after that event, local lime production was probably limited. In fact 
the first written statements about lime kilns did not appear until the 
1890s. Available evidence leads one to the conclusion that one of the two 
Rincon Unit kilns was possibly built in the 1880s while the second was 
constructed around the turn of the century. Both ceased operation in 
1920. The Tucson Mountain Unit kilns were probably built in the 
mid-1890s and no longer functioned by 1910. 

Each of the kilns was constructed differently. The northernmost one 
in the Rincon unit was built into the west bank of a north-trending wash 
with its top at terrace ground level. It is circular in construction and 
made of coursed adobe. The interior dimension is just over seven feet in 
diameter (photo 20). The south kiln was also constructed with a circular 
design into the west bank of the same wash. It, however, was made of 
angular granite masonry set in mud mortar. It has an interior diameter 
of about eight feet (photo 21). The southernmost Tucson Mountain Unit 



2. Lyle M. Stone, "A Description of Two Lime Kilns Located in Saguaro 
National Monument, Arizona" (Typescript prepared for the National Park 
Service, Western Archeological Center, October 1976), 2-4. 

216 



kiln, like the others, was circular and built into the south bank of an 

arroyo. It was made of rubble stone laid without mortar with an interior 

diameter of seven feet (photo 22). The final kiln was constructed into a 

small hill. It, too, is circular with an interior diameter of about seven 

feet. It was made of rubble stone and lined with a double layer of fire 

brick. A brownish colored mortar was used to set both the stone and 

3 
brick. All four kilns are in various states of decay. 

The monument kilns are typical of a crude type used in the 
manufacture of lime. Building them into an embankment so that the top 
was level with the embankment surface allowed the kilns to be easily 
charged with limestone and fuel from a wagon. At the same time heat 
loss would be lessened by having most of the kilns' exterior embedded in 
earth. The small exposed area away from the embankment provided for 
the lime removal from the base. As Frank Escalante explained, it took 
four days to make lime during which time wood would be added every two 
to three hours. Ten to fifteen cords of green palo verde would be 
burned in the four days although if that wood were not available green 
mesquite would be substituted. 



D. The Civilian Conservation Corps 

Emergency Conservation Work (ECW) camps were established in or 
near both units of Saguaro National Monument. From these camps 
members of the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) performed work in 
building picnic sites, roads, dams, fences, and trails as well as 
obliterating the scars of old roads,, and removing delapidated homestead 
and squatter buildings. These projects were accomplished between 
November 17, 1933 and June 21, 1941. 



3. Kenneth Rozen, "A Brief History of the Manufacture and Use of 
Lime, with Special Reference to Two Lime Kilns in Southern Arizona." 
(Typescript prepared for History/Anthropology 211 at the University of 
Arizona, May 2, 1977), 7-9. 



217 



Photo 20 

North Lime Kiln, Rincon Unit May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This interior picture shows the coursed adobe brick construction 



Photo 21 

South Lime Kiln, Rincon Unit May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This kiln was made from angular granite masonry set in mud mortar, 



218 



Photo 22 

Lime Kiln near Sus Picnic Ground, 

Tucson Mountain Unit May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This southernmost of the Tucson Mountain Unit kilns was built of rubble 
stone laid without mortar. 



220 




■ /, . -■>■ 



One camp (Camp Pima, SP-6-A), five picnic areas, thirteen dams, 
and two facilities to supply water for wildlife remain in the Tucson 
Mountain Unit. These sites and structures will be nominated to the 
National Register of Historic Places. Not only do they have significance 
by association with the CCC, but they are some of the few structures and 
sites now within a National Park Service unit which were designed and 
built by the Park Service State Parks Division for a county park. The 
picnic facilities are typical of a design adopted by the State Parks 
Division for the desert southwest. 

Accomplishments of the men from Camp Tanque Verde (SP-11-A) in 
the Rincon Mountain Unit were not quite so evident. Many of their 
projects involved removal of old roads, trails, and homestead and squatter 
buildings, and filling in mines and prospect holes. The construction 
projects, on which they worked, consisted of building the loop road, 
several miles of fence, several dams, and an administration building which 
upon completion became the custodian's residence and visitor contact 
station. The fence and building have been removed and the dams have 
been greatly altered over the years by the ranchers holding grazing 
allotments. Although the loop road exists, it has been upgraded and 
paved. As a result of these changes, nothing remains of the CCC work 
in the Rincon Unit which is worthy of nomination to the National Register. 

1 . Tucson Mountain Unit 

Pima County, which operated the Tucson Mountain Park, applied 
for two ECW camps in August 1933 for that park. The CCC men were to 
be used to improve the recreational potential of that area. The request 
was approved, and Camp Pima (SP-6-A) and Camp Papago (SP-7-A) were 
authorized. The former of these two camps was located in the northern 
part of the park, which today comprises the Tucson Mountain Unit of 
Saguaro National Monument, while the latter was built toward the southern 
end. Camp construction was accomplished by local men chosen by the 
Pima County Reemployment Committee. The CCC enrollees for Camp Pima 
arrived in Tucson several months before their camp was completed and so 
were occupied with work at the Tucson Rodeo Grounds. On 



222 



November 17, 1933 they were moved to the Tucson Mountain Park where 
they lived in a temporary tent camp until the permanent camp was 
completed on December 22. 

Camp Pima, like other CCC camps, was initially composed of a set 
complement of frame buildings. These included four barracks, one mess 
hall, one kitchen, one recreation hall, one officers' quarters, a hospital, 
a latrine, and several bathrooms. The other structures such as an 
equipment shed, repair shops, laundry, barber shop, and reading room 
came later. A number of the structures built later were adobe. 
Presumably, some of the subsequent buildings were constructed by the 
enrollees, but the records mention them making adobe to erect only one. 
The CCC men also had a swimming pool and golf course for their use. 
By the time it was abandoned, Camp Pima contained thirty-two buildings. 

The operation of the camp and the work performed was overseen by 
several groups. Although Pima County had requested the camp, it had 
little control except to suggest some projects. The 8th Cavalry of the 
United States Army administered Camp Pima and provided the commanding 
officer, adjutant, physician, and education adviser. The State Parks 
Division of the National Park Service approved and oversaw the work 
projects. To accomplish its end, the Park Service hired a camp 
superintendent, project engineer, three senior foremen, three junior 
foremen, a blacksmith, and a mechanic. In addition a landscape architect 
from the Park Service Region Three in Santa Fe made a monthly 
inspection of the work and reported on its progress. 

Camp Pima was constructed to house 210 men, but that number was 
never achieved. The camp enrollment usually ranged from 150 to 200. It 
was not occupied on a year-round basis. During the three hottest 
summer months the men were taken to cooler climates. One exception to 
this practice occurred in the 1934-35 period. In 1934 extra money was 
allotted to employ more young men in what were called drought camps. 
In order to accommodate them in Arizona, they had to be installed in the 
camps vacated during the summer. As a result, Camp Pima housed 



223 



DSP-1-A for ten months starting in August 1934. After that time SP-6-A 
returned. The camp, however, was officially known as CP-1 from 
November 3, 1940 until it was abandoned on June 21, 1941. 

In 1942 the CCC gave the Camp Pima buildings to the army. The 
army dismantled the frame structures and transported them to Phoenix to 
be reconstructed in a mechanics center. Only the foundations and some 
concrete floors remain. The adobe structures were left in place and have 
deteriorated to the point that only walls of various heights still stand 
(Photos 23-25). 

Upon arriving at Camp Pima most of the men were put to work 
gathering several hundred tons of rock to be used in the various 
construction projects. In January 1934 the enrollees began to build 
picnic sites which consisted of ramadas, tables, benches, fireplaces, and 
bathrooms. The ramadas were termed "unique and attractive" because the 
roof support posts, with a core of reinforced steel and concrete, were 
covered at the base with stonework while the upper part was enveloped 
with woody saguaro skeleton. The timber roof trusses were also covered 
with saguaro ribs. Tables were made of uncoursed stone piers which 
supported a concrete top, while the benches were uncoursed stone capped 
with concrete. Fireplaces were built of uncoursed stone as well. 
Bathrooms were sometimes constructed of coursed and other times 
uncoursed stone. Since the CCC camp superintendent's monthly reports 
often do not specify which picnic sites were in the process of 
construction at any given time, one cannot be certain of the specific 
dates the five picnic areas in the Tucson Mountain Unit were completed. 
At best one can only observe that the Ez-Kim-ln-Zin and Signal Hill 
facilities were constructed between January and May 1934, while the Sus, 
Cam-Boh, and Mam-A-Gah picnic areas were built in the September 1934 
to June 1935 period (Photos 26-38). 

After the National Park Service gained control of the Tucson 
Mountain Unit in 1961, it found that the five picnic grounds it acquired 
were in a state of decay, especially the ramadas. As a result in 1963 a 



224 



repair program was begun. The ramada roofs were removed along with 
the corner posts. The rock work in which the corner posts were set 
crumbled when the posts were removed. As a result, the ramadas were 
almost entirely rebuilt except for the one at Ez-Kim-ln-Zin which only 
received a new roof. Concrete floors were also poured in each ramada. 
Picnic tables, benches, and fireplaces had the concrete on them renewed 
and pointing was done where necessary. The only structures that have 
survived in their original appearance are the bathrooms. As a result, it 
would be tempting to not include the reconstructed ramadas on the 
National Register. Since they do occupy the site of the original ramadas 
and some bear a slight resemblance to their archetypes, they will be 
included. 

Twenty-six check dams were constructed throughout Tucson 
Mountain Park of which thirteen were located in the Tucson Mountain 
Unit. These dams were basically of two types. Earth-filled dams were 
placed in the lower elevations for flood control and to store water for 
wildlife. Six such dams are found in the monument. Masonry dams were 
constructed in canyons and arroyos to prevent erosion and provide water 
for animals. Six of these dams are located throughout the monument with 
the one near Sus picnic area in the most pristine condition (Photo 39). 
The last dam is a rock (porphyry) dam in the lower elevations of the 
northeast corner of the monument. 

The final two CCC projects involved the construction of the Red 
Hills and Dobie Robinson facilities to supply water to game animals and 
birds. The CCC developed the two facilities in 1937. Each site included 
a windmill and galvanized water storage tank. In 1941 a reinforced 
concrete water storage reservoir was added at each location. These 
reservoirs remain along with the windmill tower at the Red Hills facility. 

2. Rincon Mountain Unit 

University of Arizona President Homer Shantz succeeded in 
getting a company of CCC to work on the University owned and controlled 
land within the monument by designating it as Saguaro Forest State Park. 
These men arrived in July 1935 and stayed at Camp Tanque Verde 



225 



Photo 23 
Remains of Camp Pima May 1986 
Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



The remains of a concrete floor from a frame building and decaying adobe 
walls are visible. 



226 



Photo 24 
Remains of Camp Pima May 1986 
Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



The remains of concrete foundations from frame structures are shown 



Photo 25 

Adobe Wall Remains at Camp Pima May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



228 



Photo 26 

Ez-Kim-ln-Zin Picnic Ramada May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



Although the structure received a new roof in the early 1960s, the rest 
of the ramada remains the same. 



Photo 27 

Ez-Kim-ln-Zin Bathroom May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This bathroom, which is well designed into a rocky hi 
changed from its original appearance. 



Iside, has not 



230 



Photo 28 

Signal Hill Picnic Ramada May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This ramada has changed considerably. The roof has been replaced and 
the stonework for the roof support posts has been taken apart and 
reassembled. Only one support post is now covered with saguaro ribs. 



Photo 29 

Signal Mill Picnic Table and Fireplace May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



Here one can see a typical CCC stone picnic table and fireplace. The 
table top, bench top, and fireplace have been recovered with concrete 
while the stone has been pointed. 



232 



Photo 30 

Signal Hill Enclosed Picnic Facility May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This stone structure is the only one of its kind found at the five picnic 
sites. The roof has been replaced and the rock repointed, but it 
essentially remains the same as when built. 



Photo 31 

Signal Hill Bathroom May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This uncoursed stone bathroom retains the same appearance as when it 
was constructed. 



234 



Photo 32 

Man-A-Gah Picnic Ramada May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This ramada has been extensively changed with a new roof and 
reassembled rock work. 



Photo 33 

Mam-A-Gah Picnic Tables May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



These tables and benches have been recovered with concrete and the 
stone pointed. 



236 



Photo 34 
Mam-A-Gah Fireplace May 1986 
Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



As with other fireplaces the tops of the stone have been recovered with 
concrete and the stones pointed. 



Photo 35 
Mam-A-Gah Bathroom May 1986 
Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This uncoursed stone structure retains its original appearance, 



238 



Photo 36 

Cam-Boh Picnic Ramada May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This ramada has also been changed with a new roof and reassembled 
rockwork. 



Photo 37 

Cam-Boh Bathroom May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This stone building has suffered little change. 



240 





... ; ■•* - . , : ., ; 



Photo 38 

Sus Picnic Ramada May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This structure has totally changed in reconstruction. Although there are 
typical tables, benches, and fireplaces at this site, the picnic area has 
changed enough to not merit nomination to the National Register. 



Photo 39 

CCC Stone Masonry Dam near Sus Picnic Area May 1986 

Photograph by Berle Clemensen 



This remains the most pristine of the CCC dams, 



242 



(SP-11-A) just north of the monument boundary. Their main effort 
concentrated on the construction of the skyline loop road which took 
three years to complete. That road was regraded and hard surfaced in 
1951. Their other work on the University land was basically designed to 
be inconspicuous, for it involved removal of any trace of roads, trails, 
mines, and old buildings. Gone are the fence and custodian's residence 
they built. Perhaps mention could be made of their work in the 
interpretation of the historical activity in that unit. 

E. Manning Cabin 

In 1905 Levi H. Manning built a cabin in the Rincon Mountains for 
use as a summer home. When that area of the Rincons was attached to 
the Santa Catalina Division of the Coronado National Forest in 1907, 
Manning leased the land from the Forest Service for several years, but no 
longer used the cabin. It was reconditioned in 1922 by the Forest 
Service for use in housing a fire guard and trail crew. The National 
Park Service adapted it to its fire patrol needs when it inherited the fire 
watch duty over the monument in 1940. It was used during the fire 
season until 1958 when a break in its use occurred until 1977. Manning 
Cabin represents both the development of summer homes in the mountains 
and the utilitarian need to house fire control personnel. The structure is 
currently on the National Register of Historic Places. 

F. Spud Rock Cabin Site 

At some point around 1890 a man of German descent named Bock 
retired from the railroad and moved into the Rincon Montains where he 
raised potatoes. The name of his home derived from this crop. How long 
he resided there remains unknown. For several years after the Forest 
Service acquired the area, the cabin was used to house fire guards, but 
in 1912 that agency replaced the cabin with a new one built nearby. 
Only the site of the cabin remains. Although the site represents 
mountain settlement without tangible remains and more information it does 
not meet the requirements of a National Register property. Instead, it 
could be interpreted in the monument history program. The area on 
which the cabin stood has been designated a camp site. 



244 



G. Freeman Homestead 

Homesteading played a role in the area around the Rincon Unit. The 
earliest homestead applications were made in the 1890s after the township 
subdivision lines had been surveyed. These early homesteads were 
located just outside the monument boundary along the Tanque Verde 
Creek and Rincon Wash. By 1910, however, entries began to be made on 
homesteads within the monument. Fermin Cruz was the first to receive 
such a homestead patent on October 18, 1916 for a portion of section 10, 
T14S R16E. At least nine others followed in making their homestead 
claims beginning in the early 1920s, with the last to be made in October 
1930. These individuals included Rafael Carrillo, Ray Harris, Manuel 
Benites, Harry Riley, Christobel Valenzuela, Henry Grabenheimer, Gilmor 
Failor, Safford Freeman, and Jane Wentworth. The claims of Valenzuela 
and Grabenheimer were cancelled by the late 1920s for they had not 
maintained residency. 

The Freemans claimed that their homestead entry in section 5, T15S 
R16E, for which they applied in the summer of 1929, was the last entry 
in the area. On that basis and because a mound of melted adobe 
remained from a living room wall, the homestead was nominated to the 
National Register in 1972, but disallowed. Their homestead entry was not 
the last one to have been made. Jane Wentworth applied for a stock 
raising homestead on October 17, 1930 for all of section 8, T14S R16E. 
She received a patent in 1938. 

While the Freeman story may be interesting, they, like the other 
homesteaders in the monument, did not occupy the site on a year-round 
basis. Instead, they soon moved to Tucson and only lived on the 
homestead the minimum time required per year to receive a patent. As 
with the other people, they did not raise stock or produce anything on 
the land, but rented the property to James Converse so that he could 
graze his cattle there. While homesteading could be a topic for 
interpretation, the National Register reviewers were correct to disallow 
the nomination of the Freeman homestead. It, however, has been placed 
on the Arizona State Register of Historic Places. 



245 



H . Chimenea Canyon Chimney 

In an interview Frank Escalente stated that the chimney in Chimenea 
Canyon had been used by individuals who brought large, ponderosa pine 
vigas down from the Rincon Mountains. These individuals would heat 
their food there. He supplied no dates for the timber cutting activity. 
He also did not state if the chimney were constructed by the viga cutters 
or if they had used an already existing chimney. While it may be a 
curiosity, a dearth of information on the chimney precludes its nomination 
to the National Register. If timber cutting is developed as an 
interpretive theme, then the chimney could be incorporated into that 
story. 

I . Second World War Military Airplane Crashes 

During the Second World War three planes crashed in the Rincon 
Mountain portion of Saguaro National Monument. The first, a B-24D 
heavy bomber, went down on July 30, 1943 about three-fourths mile east 
of Juniper Basin camp site while on a training mission. A commercial 
scrap firm salvaged nearly all of the remains of the aircraft between April 
and June 1960. The second crash occurred on November 28, 1944 when a 
UC-78C Cessna trainer impacted during a rainstorm one and a quarter 
miles northeast of Happy Valley Lookout. It was salvaged for parts in 
1979 by the Pima County Air Museum. The third plane, a B-25D medium 
bomber, flew into the east side of Wrong Mountain on January 20, 1945 
during a snowstorm. It exploded and burned, and was further destroyed 
by the United States Army Aircorps which used explosives on it. Since 
two of the planes have been salvaged and little remains of the third, none 
merit nomination to the National Register of Historic Places. 

J. Military Heliograph Activity 

Although the exact sites in the Rincon Mountains from which 
heliograph signals were transmitted and received during two United States 
Army Signal Corps field exercises could never be discovered today, the 
story of such activity should be included in an interpretive program. 
The exercises held in May 1890 and February 1893 represented a 
renaissance in the use of that device for field communication. Even 



246 



though the mlitary had first used the heliograph on the Northern Plains 
in the latter 1870s and again with some success during the Geronimo 
Campaign in 1886, interest in that signaling instrument had waned. It 
was to the credit of Major W.J. Volkmar that, in his capacity as Adjutant 
General of the Department of Arizona, he succeeded in reviving interest 
in the heliograph in 1889. Through his efforts an extensive field 
exercise was conducted in 1890 and resulted in the successful testing of 
one of the most comprehensive networks of signaling ever attempted to 
that date. It demonstrated that the heliograph had become a potent 
factor in "civilized warfare." As a result, when the Signal Corps 
instruction school opened at Fort Riley, Kansas in 1891, the heliograph 
was one of the featured instruments. Again, in 1893, an extensive field 
exercise was conducted with equal success. Thus the Rincon Mountains 
played an intangible role in the rebirth and use of the heliograph. 

K. Livestock Grazing, Woodcutting, Cactus Removal, and Unrestrained 
Horseback Riding as Related to Ecological Destructiveness 
A great deal can be done to interpret the ecological destructiveness 
caused by man and his animals over time to such a fragile, semi-arid 
area. The original appearance of the desert could be presented followed 
by a recounting of the vegetation changes on the monument brought about 
by livestock grazing, woodcutting, cactus removal, and today's horseback 
riders. In addition the erosion caused by such activity and the scarring 
of the landscape with roads and trails in association with those 
enterprises could be presented. 

L. Archeological Resources 

Considerable archeological evidence of prehistoric human occupation 
exists in the monument. Although a few sites have been disturbed by 
roads and trails, most of the sites are in good condition. The wilderness 
designation in the Rincon Mountain Unit and the unobtrusive nature of 
most of the archeological site should serve to continue to protect them. In 
addition most of these sites fall within the Rincon Mountain Foothills 
Archeological District which was listed on the National Register of Historic 
Places in 1979. This district comprises an area of twenty-five square 



247 



miles with approximately 110 known sites of a variety of types--lithic 
scatter, remains of permanent settlements, and evidence of irrigation 
canals which exhibit a chronological sequence to historic times. 

Although prehistoric occupation occurred mainly in the Rincon 
Mountain Unit, archeological sites in the Tucson Mountain Unit, such as 
temporary campsites and petroglyphs, attest to the use of that area as 
well. Archeological surveys/evaluations have yet to be completed for the 
Tucson Mountain Unit. Upon completion, a number of archeology features 
will undoubtedly be found to be eligible for the National Register of 
Historic Places. 



248 



APPENDIX A 

Proclamation 2031 Establishing Saguaro National Monument 

March 1, 1933 

[copy] 

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 

A PROCLAMATION 

WHEREAS a certain area within the Catalina Division of the Coronado 
National Forest in the State of Arizona and certain adjacent lands are of 
outstanding scientific interest because of the exceptional growth thereon 
of various species of cacti, including the so-called giant cactus, it 
appears that the public interest will be promoted by reserving as much 
land as may be necessary for the proper protection thereof as a national 
monument. 

NOW, THEREFORE, I, HERBERT HOOVER, President of the United 
States of America, by virtue of the power in me vested by section 2 of 
the act of Congress approved June 8, 1906 (34 Stat. 225), entitled "AN 
ACT For the preservation of American antiquities," do proclaim that there 
are hereby reserved from all forms of appropriation under the public land 
laws, subject to all valid existing rights, and the right of the State of 
Arizona to select for the use of the University of Arizona all or any 
portions of sees. 11, 14, 22, 28, and E.\ 21, T. 14 S., R. 16 E. of the 
Gila and Salt River meridian, and set apart as a national monument, the 
following-described tracts of lands in the State of Arizona: 

GILA AND SALT RIVER MERIDIAN 

T. 14 S., R. 16 E., sees. 8 to 17 inclusive, sees. 20 to 29 

inclusive, and sees. 32 to 36 inclusive. 
T. 14 S., R. 17 E., sees. 7 to 36 inclusive. 
T. 14 S., R. 18 E., sees. 7, 8, 9, sees. 16 to 21 inclusive, and 

sees. 28 to 33 inclusive. 
T. 15 S., R. 16 E., sees. 1 to 5 inclusive. 
T. 15 S., R. 17 E., sees. 1 to 6 inclusive and sees. 11, 12, 13, 14, 

23, and 24. 
T. 15 S., R. 18 E., sees. 4 to 9 inclusive and sees. 16 to 21 

inclusive. 

The reservation made by this proclamation is not intended to prevent 
the use of the lands now within the Coronado National Forest for 
national-forest purposes under the proclamation establishing the Coronado 
National Forest, and the two reservations shall both be effective on the 
land withdrawn; but the national monument hereby established shall be 
the dominant reservation, and any use of the land which interferes with 
the preservation or protection as a national monument is hereby 
forbidden. 



249 



Warning is hereby given to all unauthorized persons not to 
appropriate, injure, deface, remove, or destroy any feature of this 
national monument, or to locate or settle on any of the lands reserved by 
this proclamation. 

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

DONE at the City of Washington this 1 day of March, in the year of 

our Lord nineteen hundred and thirty-three, and 

[SEAL] of the Independence of the United States of 

America the one hundred and fifty-seventh. 

HERBERT HOOVER 

[end copy] 



250 



APPENDIX B 



Grazing Allotment Owners 



Tanque Verde 

1933-34 
1935-45 
1945-47 
1948-55 
1955-79 



James Converse (Tanque Verde Ranch) 
James Converse and Eduardo Carrillo 
James Converse and Joe Lewis Hartzell 
James Converse 
Kenneth Kaecker (Tanque Verde Ranch) 



Twin Hills 



1933-55 



James Converse (Tanque Verde Ranch) 



Rincon 



1933-40 
1941-47 
1948-54 
1955-68 



J. Rukin Jelks (Casa Blanca Ranch) 
Robert Chatfield-Taylor (X-9 Ranch) 
Gordon Packard (X-9 Ranch) 
Henry Jackson (X-9 Ranch) 



Pantano 



1933-38 
1939-40 
1941-46 
1947-49 
1950-56 
1957-60 
1961-62 
1963-71 



Melvill Haskell 

Allison Armour (Bar AA Ranch) 

Helen Lichtenstein (Bar AA Ranch) 

William Veeck (Lazy V Ranch) 

W.H. Kenner (Rocking K Ranch) 

Altar Land and Cattle Company—partly owned by Kenner 

Rincon Valley Development Corporation 

Ranchlands Incorporated 



Happy Valley 

1943-64 
1965-75 



Roderick Mackenzie 
Malcolm MacKenzie 



251 



APPENDIX C 



Patented Claims in the Amole Mining District 



Nequilla - 1872 - outside the monument 

Silver Moon - 1882 - partly in the monument 

Lola Lopez - 1883 - inside the monument 

Buena Vista - 1884 - partly in the monument 

New Strike - 1885 - partly in the monument 

Cymbeline - 1892 - inside the monument 

Woffenden Gold Lode - 1893 - outside the monument 

Jumbo - 1909 - inside the monument 

Iron Mountain - 1909 - inside the monument 

Iron Chief - 1909 - inside the monument 

Apex - 1909 - inside the monument 

Colorado - 1909 - inside the monument 



252 






BIBLIOGRAPHY 



PRIMARY SOURCES 

National Archives / Washington D.C. 

Abandoned Military Reservation File — Arizona, Fort Lowell. Record Group 
49, Records of the Bureau of Land Management. Contains some 
interesting material and a map on early settlement along the north 
boundary of the present-day Rincon Unit. 

CCC Projects, Arizona. Entry 41. Box 7, SP-4, SP-5, SP-6. Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service. The Camp 
Superintendent monthly reports on work activities are found here as 
well as information on camp establishments and closures. 

CCC Projects, Arizona. Entry 41. Box 8, SP-7, SP-8, SP-9, SP-10, 
SP-11. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service. A 
continuation of the previous entry. 

Central Classified File 1933-1949. National Monuments, Saguaro. Record 
Group 79, Records of the National Park Service. Numerous reports 
and correspondence dealing with the monument are found here. 

Monthly Narrative Reports of Regional Landscape Architects. Region 
111-1936. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park Service. 
Monthly reports filed by the Regional Landscape Architects 
responsible for inspecting CCC work projects are found here. 

Monthly Narrative Reports of Regional Landscape Architects. Region 
Ill-January-May 1937. Record Group 79, Records of the National 
Park Service. A continuation of the above entry. 

Monthly Narrative Reports of Regional Landscape Architects. Region 
Ill-June-December 1937. Record Group 79, Records of the National 
Park Service. A continuation of the above entries. 

Monthly Narrative Reports of Regional Landscape Architects. Regions II 
and 111-1938. Record Group 79, Records of the National Park 
Service. A continuation of the above entries. 

Annual Reports of CSO 1862-63, 1867-68, Reports of Instruments and 
Methods of Signalling, 1887-1893. Record Group III, Records of the 
Office of the Chief Signal Officer. Reports on the 1890 heliograph 
field exercise are found here. 



253 



Saguaro National Monument Files 

The monument files contain numerous reports and correspondence dating 
back to 1934. Most of this material escaped being sent to the 
National Archives for the central classified file. This material 
complements that found in the National Archives. 



Coronado National Forest Headquarters, Tucson 



File 2230 - Permits - 2 C&H. Rincon Valley Development Corps. (Pantano 
Allotment). This file contains some information on the Pantano 
Allotment. 

File G, Cooperation, Coronado (Chiracahua Nat'l Monument). Despite the 
identification with Chiracahua NM, this file contains material on 
Saguaro NM. 

File G, Cooperation, National Park Service (Saguaro National Monument). 
Memoranda of agreement and correspondence dealing with allotments 
in general are found here. 

File G, Permits - C&H - Coronado. Converse, Jas. P. This file contains 
information on the Tanque Verde Allotment. 

Happy Valley Allotment File. Begins with the activation of that grazing 
allotment in 1943 and the approach the Forest Service took to it. 

Pantano Allotment File. Contains range inspection reports and agreements 
with the various allotment owners. 

Rincon Allotment File. Essentially the same as the Pantano file. 



Bureau of Land Management, Phoenix 

This agency office contains the survey field note books of the various 
Arizona townships. In addition to their survey work the men would 
indicate residents or abandoned homes in a given section, some 
mines, lime kiln, and vegetation. This office also contains homestead 
applications, homestead patent certificates, mineral surveys in the 
various mining districts and mine patent certificates. 

United States Bureau of Mines, Denver 

Columbia (Gould) Mine File. Amole Mining District, Pima County, 
Arizona. Although mine owners were required to make annual 
production reports to the U.S. Bureau of Mines starting in 1902, 
this source proved disappointing for the Amole Mining District file 
contained an entry for only one mine--the Gould--and that for only 
the 1953-54 period. 



254 



Harpers Ferry Center (NPS), West Virginia 

Box SAGU. Folder - Saguaro NM. Contains very little information and 
much of that can be obtained elsewhere. 

Master Plan for the Preservation and Use of Saguaro National Monument, 
Mission 66 Edition. 1963. Harpers Ferry had the only copy of this 
master plan. 



Western Regional Office (NPS), San Francisco 

District Ranger, Tucson Mountain Division, Saguaro NM to Chief Ranger, 
Saguaro NM. April 28, 1968. This correspondence contained an 
interview of L. Martain Waer's descendents who visited the Tucson 
Mountain Unit. 



Western Archeology Center (NPS), Tucson 

Southwestern Monuments Monthly Reports (Saguaro), 1934-53. 
Custodian's Monthly Reports (Saguaro), November 1939-1948. 
Superintendent's Monthly Reports (Saguaro), 1949-1967. 

Arizona Historical Society, Tucson 

James Lee Folder in the Hayden File. This folder contained information 
on James Lee who developed the Nequilla mine. 

Mines - Arizona - Nequilla (Nahuila). Ephemera File. This file had 
information on the first mine to be patented in the Amole District. 

Reminiscences of Octaviano O. Gastelum. Juan I. Telles Ephemera File. 
Gastelum was kidnapped at the Telles ranch by Apaches in 1886. 

Juan I. Telles Folder. Ephemera File. Contains information on the Telles 
ranch near the present-day Rincon Unit. 

Vail, Edward L. "The Diary of a Desert Trail." In the Edward L. Vail 
papers. He recounts a cattle drive about 1890. 

University of Arizona Library Special Collections 

Range Conditions m Arizona , 1900-1909 as Recorded by Various Observers 
[n a Series of Miscellaneous Papers . Collected and bound by the 
University of Arizona Library. Several area individuals report on 
southern Arizona range conditions. 



255 



"Reports on Tonnage in Pima and Santa Cruz Cos, Arizona." ca. 1906. 
Recount of mining company production reports which are accepted 
uncritically. 



Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, Phoenix 

"Active Mines in Southern District." January 1944-February 1948. These 
are monthly reports of mining activity in southern Arizona. There 
are no reports involving the Amole District mines after January 1946. 

Folder - Gould Mine, Pima County, Arizona. This file contains letters 
and reports dealing with the Gould mine from 1908 to 1959. 

"Owners Mine Report." October 16, 1940. This report dealt with the Old 
Yuma mine. Although the Arizona Department of Mineral Resources 
requested reports on mining activity from mine owners, it had no 
police authority and, as a result, rarely received such reports. 



Arizona Bureau of Geology and Mineral Technology, Tucson 

Formerly the Arizona Bureau of Mines, this state agency has a very good 
newspaper clipping file of Arizona mining districts and mines. 

Bonanza Park Mining Company File. Contains a 1918 promotional pamphlet 
extolling the virtues of the Bonanza Park mines. 

Copper King Mining Co. - Tucson Mountains File. Contains a small 
amount of material on the Mile Wide mine. 

Gould Copper Mining Company File. Very little material of which most 
deals with the early period around 1907-08. 



Arizona State Archives, Phoenix 

Assessment Rolls for the County of Pima, 1879-1912. These rolls contain 
an alphabetical listing of property owners and the value of their real 
estate. 



Personal Papers 

John Harrison Papers. University of Arizona Library Special Collections. 
These papers contain much information about the University of 
Arizona's relationship to the monument. 

Carl Hayden Papers. Arizona Foundation. Arizona State University 

Library. These papers fill in many blanks left by the National Park 

Service records in the National Archives and Saguaro National 
Monument. 



256 



Homar Shantz Papers. University of Arizona Library Special Collections. 
Shantz was University president from the late 1920s to 1936. These 
papers contain little in regard to the national monument. 

Edward L. Vail Papers. Arizona Historical Society. Vail and his brother 
Walter were probably the largest ranchers in southern Arizona in the 
Anglo period. Vail gives a picture of their life and ranching. 

Printed United States Government Document 

Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior For the Fiscal Year Ended 
June 20, 1933 . Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 

1933. Tells of the June 10, 1933 Executive Order which transferred 
a number of national monuments to the Park Service. 

Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior For the Fiscal Year Ended 
June 20, 1934 . Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 

1934. Tells of the transfer of sixteen national monuments to the 
Park Service. 

Federal Register , November 22, 1961. Contains a copy of the presidential 
proclamation which added the Tucson Mountain Unit to Saguaro 
National Monument. 

Gale, First Lieutenant G.H.G. "Report of Reconnaissance for a Central 
Station, Connecting Lowell, Huachuca, Bowie and Grant Heliograph 
Divisions." March 28, 1890. In Instructions for Guidance of Signal 
Officers , m Charge of Heliograph Divisions and Stations During 
General Practice Department Heliograph Systems , May 1890 . Gale 
tells of his search in the Rincon Mountains for a suitable site to set 
up a heliograph station for the coming 1890 field exercise. 



"Reports of the Chief Signal Officer." October 1, 1890. October 9, 
1893. October 1, 1895. In Reports of the Secretary of War , 1890 , 
1893 , 1895 . Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1890, 
1893, 1895. These reports contain various information on the 
heliograph as it mainly pertained to southern Arizona. 

Statutes of the United States of America Passed at the Second Session of 
the Seventy- Second Congress 1932-33 and Concurrent Resolutions , 
Recent Treaties , Executive Proclamations , and Agreements , Proposed 
Amendments to the Constitution , Twentieth Amendment to the 
Constitution . Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1933. 
Contains the March 1, 1933 presidential proclamation which 
established Saguaro National Monument. 

Twenty-First Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey to the 
Secretary of the Interior 1899-1900 . Part IV. Washington, D.C.: 
Government Printing Office, 1901. Mentions the recovery of the 
copper industry and its importance to Arizona. 



257 



U.S. Congress, Senate. Committee on Public Lands and Surveys. 
"Hearings Before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Public Lands 



and Surveys, Pursuant to S. 
Relating to National Forests 
Administration." 3 vols. 69 
Government Printing Office, 
grazing policy through 1925. 



Res. 347 to Investigate all Matters 
and the Public Domain and Their 

Cong. 1 Sess. Washington, D.C.: 
1926. Covers the Forest Service 



National Park Service Publications 

O'Brien, Robert D. and L.S. Zentner. "Report of the Mining Property 
Investigations, Saguaro National Monument, Tucson Mountain 
Section." 2 vols. San Francisco: National Park Service, Western 
Region Office, April 1973. The report covers the location of 
seventy-six mines and prospect holes. The authors found that it 
was difficult, if not impossible, to define claim locations because the 
descriptions on file were very ambiguous. 

Simpson, Kay and Susan J. Wells. "Archeological Survey in the Eastern 
Tucson Basin: Saguaro National Monument." 3 vols. Tucson: 
National Park Service, Western Archeological and Conservation 
Center, Publications in Anthropology No. 22, 1983. This 
three-volume work contains an overview as well as specific site 
descriptions of the archeology of the Rincon Mountain Unit of the 
monument. 

Stacy, V.K. Pheriba and Julian Hayden. "Saguaro National Monument: 
An Archeological Overview." Tucson: National Park Service, 
Western Archeological Center, 1975. This work is a clearly 
presented discussion of the archeological sequences found in the two 
units of Saguaro National Monument. 



Interviews 

Conversation Between Park Technician Thomas Carroll and Mrs. Freeman 
of the Freeman Homestead. Folder - Mrs. Freeman Day. Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 

Conversation with James Converse by H. Coss, National Monument 
Employee. November 17, 1968. Folder - Mrs. Freeman Day. 
Saguaro National Monument Files. 

Statement by David Faust, Superintendent of Fort Lowell State Park, to 
Berle Clemensen. May 2, 1986. 

Telephone conversation with E.D. (Ed) Herreras by Berle Clemensen. 
April 28, 1986. 

Telephone conversation with Theodore Knipe by Berle Clemensen. May 
14, 1986. 



258 



Transcript of Tape Conversation of Frank Escalante and Charles Maguire 
by Bob Jones, SAGU Superintendent, Hal Coss, Park Naturalist, and 
Tom Carroll, Park Technician. December 11, 1969. Saguaro 
National Monument Files. 



Newspapers 

Arizona Citizen (Tucson), 1875-1940. 

Arizona Republic (Phoenix), 1929, 1978. 

Arizona Republican (Phoenix), 1900. 

Arizona Star (Tucson), 1879-1985. 

Arizona Weekly Enterprise (Tucson), 1893. 

Chamber News (Tucson Chamber of Commerce), 1949. 

Los Angeles Times , 1901. 

Tucson Citizen , 1941-1985. 

SECONDARY WORKS 

Articles 

Allen, Milton A. "Mines of Pima County." Arizona Mining Journal . 
3(June 1919), 76-77. Concentrates mostly on the larger mines and 
not on the Amole District. 

Bahr, Donald M. "Pima and Papago Social Organization." In Handbook of 
North American Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest . Edited by Alfonso 
Ortiz and William C. Sturtevant. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institution, 1983. Pima and Papago social organization is clearly 
described in this article — rules of descent, of residence at marriage, 
and the groups formed by such principles as well as local 
government and cultural values. 

Barker, Robert M. "The Economics of Cattle Ranching in the Southwest." 
The American Monthly Review of Reviews . (September 1901) 
305-313. The author dwells mostly on Texas and has sympathy for 
cattle raisers. 

Brinckerhoff , Sidney B. "The Last Years of Spanish Arizona, 
1786-1821." Arizona and the West . 9(Spring 1967), 5-20. Excellent 
article dealing with the Spanish pacification program and settlement 
policy. 



259 



Canby, Thomas Y. "The Search for the First Americans." National 
Geogrpahic . 156(September 1979), 330-363. The author provided a 
summary of the distribution and chronology of Paleo-lndian sites in 
the New World. 

Clausen, John. "Dude Ranches." Tucson Magazine . 3(December 1977), 
16, 18. Brief article on dude ranches in the Tucson area. 

"Concentrated Mining Activities from Arizona, Western New Mexico, 
Sonora." Arizona Mining Journal . 4(October 15, 1920), 21. The 
article gives a brief history of the Old Yuma mine and reported that 
a New York firm had leased it. 

Crosswhite, Frank S. "The Annual Saguaro Harvest and Crop Cycle of 
the Papago with Reference to Ecology and Symbolism." Desert Plants 
2 (Spring 1980), 3-61. This article discusses in detail the place of 
Saguaro wine in the cultural ecology of the Papago. 

Davis, Elmer E. "Where the Ancient and Modern Meet - Tanque Verde 
Ranch." Progressive Arizona and the Great Southwest . (September 
1928), 22-24. The author gives a brief history of the Tanque Verde 
ranch and states the new owner, James Converse, was adding a 
dude ranch. 

"The Distaff Wrangles Dudes." The Magazine Tucson . 2(October 1949), 
24-25. Mentions some dude ranches near Saguaro NM and says 
horseback riding was the most popular sport. 

Dixon, E. James. "The Origins of the First Americans." Archaeology 38 
(March-April 1985), 22-27. This article is a brief but comprehensive 
discussion of Beringia or the Bering Land Bridge, "the presumed 
avenue by which humans first entered the Americas," sometime 
between 50,000 and 15,000 years ago. 

Doelle, William H. "The Papago Indians." In Archaeological and 
Historical Investigations at Nolic Papago Indian Reservation , Arizona . 
Tucson: Institute for American Research, Anthropological Papers 
No. 2, 1983. This concise section on the Papago deals with their 
linguistic subdivisions or dialectal geographic areas and their 
political history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. 

Doyel, David E. "From Foraging to Farming: An Overview of the 

Preclassic in the Tucson Basin." The Kiva . 49(Spring-Summer 

1984), 147-165. The author discusses in detail the beginning of 
prehistoric farming in the Tucson Basin. 

Eaton, W. Clement. "Frontier Life in Arizona, 1858-1861." Southwestern 
Historical Quarterly . 36(January 1933), 173-192. Eaton writes of 
the mining which took place in the Tubac area and its ending with 
the onset of the Civil War. 



260 



Ezell, Paul H. "History of the Pima." In Handbook of North American 
Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest . Edited by Alfonso Ortiz and William 
C. Sturtevant. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983. 
The author gives a comprehensive historical and cultural treatment of 
the Pima beginning with their first, unfortunate exposure to the 
presence of Europeans' infectious diseases. 

Fontana, Bernard L. "History of the Papago." In Handbook of North 
American Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest . Edited by Alfonso Ortiz 
and William C. Sturtevant. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian 
Institution, 1983. This article is a general introduction to Papago 
history beginning with European contact and ending with issues of 
modern tribal government. 

"The Papagos." Arizona Highways 59 (April 1983), 34-37, 



40-42, 44-45. This article is a treatment of Papago culture and 
history for the general reader. 

Gumerman, George J. and Emil W. Haury. "Prehistory: Hohokam." In 
Handbook of North American Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest . 
Edited by Alfonso Ortiz and William C. Sturtevant. Washington, 
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1979. The authors discuss in a 
reasonably detailed manner the "long-count" theory of Hohokam 
migration from Mexico beginning about 2300 years ago. 

Hackenberg, Robert A. "Pima and Papago Ecological Adaptations." In 
Handbook of North American Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest . 
Edited by Alfonso Ortiz and William C. Sturtevant. Washington, 
D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983. In this article the respective 
riverine and desert habitats of the Pima and Papago are discussed in 
terms of economic exchange and cooperation between these two 
peoples to best utilize the somewhat different resources of each 
micro-environment. 

Hayden, Julian D. "Of Hohokam Origins and Other Matters." American 
Antiquity . 35(January 1970), 87-93. Various theories of the origins 
and demise of the Hohokam culture are discussed in this article. 

"Hi-Ho Sisson." The Magazine Tucson . 2(October 1949), 20. The 
article deals with dude ranching. 

Hoover, J.W. "Generic Descent of the Papago Villages." American 
Anthropologist . 37(April-June 1935), 257-264. This article contains 
a summary of what happened to the Sobaipuri Indians as they fled 
attacking Apaches in the eighteenth century and were absorbed by 
their fellow Piman-speakers to the west of their traditional territory. 

Huckell, Bruce B. "The Paleo-lndian and Archaic Occupation of the 
Tucson Basin: An Overview." The Kiva . 49(Spring-Summer 1984), 
133-145. The transition in the Tucson Basin from Paleo-lndian 
big-game hunting to Archaic localized, intensive hunting and 
gathering is discussed in this article. 



261 



Mattison, Ray H. "Early Spanish and Mexican Settlements in Arizona." 
New Mexico Historical Review . 21(October 1946), 273-327. An 
excellent account of seventeenth and eighteenth centuries ranching 
in southern Arizona. 

McGuire, Randall H. "Ethnographic Studies." In Hohokam and Patayan : 
Prehistory of Southwestern Arizona . Edited by Randall H. McGuire 
and Michael B. Schiffer. N.Y.: Academic Press, 1982. This 
section contains a short ethnographic profile of the Pima and Papago. 

"Mining in Arizona." The Engineering and Mining Journal . 45(May 19, 
1888), 362. The article reports silver strikes in the Tucson 
Mountains and conveyed the idea that those mountains contained 
massive tons of that ore. 

"Mining in Arizona." The Engineering and Mining Journal . 47(May 4, 
1889), 409. The article reports the dishonest sale of claims. 

"Mining Review." Arizona Mining Journal . 1(October 1917), 22. Glowing 
report of the copper ore found in the Mile Wide mine. 

Niering, W.A. and R.H. Whittaker. "The Saguaro Problem and Grazing 
in Southwestern National Monuments." National Parks Magazine . 
39(June 1965), 4-9. A good article on the destructiveness of 
livestock grazing on the ecology. 

Niering, W.A., R.H. Whittaker, and C.H. Lowe. "The Saguaro: A 
Population in Relation to Environment." Science . 142(October 4, 
1963), 15-23. Very similar to the above article. 

Pablo, Sally G. "Contemporary Pima." In Handbook of North American 
Indians , Volume 10 : Southwest . Edited by Alfonso Ortiz and William 
C. Sturtevant. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 1983. 
The author cites problems of economic development and cultural 
change among the modern Pima. 

Penn, Susan. "Tucson's Ranch Resorts Fewer But Booming." Tempo . 
2(January 24-February 6, 1980), 4-5. The article is better than the 
average, for it gives some history of dude ranching in the Tucson 
area. 

"Pima County Review." Arizona Mining Journal . 2(June 1918), 38. A 
report on the Mile Wide mine. 

Potter, Albert F. "Report of Examination of the Proposed Santa Rita 
Forest Reserve." March 1902. In Range Conditions m Arizona , 
1900-1909 as Recorded by Various Observers in a Series of 
Miscellaneous Papers . University of Arizona Library Special 

Collections. Potter notes that there were only one-third the number 
of cattle compared to ten years earlier. The higher elevations were 
severely overgrazed, he found. 



262 



Russell, Frank. "The Pima Indians." In Twenty-Sixth Annual Report of 
the Bureau of American Ethnology for 1904-05 . Washington, D.C.: 
Government Printing Office, 1908. This is the classic ethnography 
of the Pima and should be consulted for comparison with more recent 
studies. 

Serven, James E. "The Military Posts on Sonoita Creek: A Review of 
the Brief But Important Roles of Fort Buchanan 1857-1861 and Camp 
Crittenden 1868-1873." The Smoke Signal (Fall 1965), 26-48. A 
good article on the protection offered to settlers and miners of 
southern Arizona by the army. 

"Silver Lillie Copper Mines of Arizona." Arizona Mining Journal . 6(June 
15, 1922), 40. An article touting the superb copper strike in the 
Amole Mining District. 

Stevens, Robert C. "The Apache Menace in Sonora 1831-1849." Arizona 
and the West . 6(Autumn 1964), 211-226. The author goes back as 
far as 1692 for background. It is a very good account of the 
Spanish and Mexican response to the Apache. 

Tenney, J.B. "History of Gold Mining in Arizona." In History of Mining 
m Arizona . Phoenix: Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, 
1963. Despite the title, the article covers Arizona mining in 
general . 

"They were City Folk Once, Too!" The Magazine Tucson . 2(October 
1949), 26. A brief article on dude ranch owners. 

Todd, Cecil. "Metal Mining and Its Associated Industries in Tucson." 
Journal of Arizona History . 22(Spring 1981), 99-128. A very good 
article in which the author contends that Tucson was never a mining 
town. After 1880 it became a supply center for the mining areas of 
southern Arizona. 

van Willigen, John. "Case Study: The Papago Community Development 
Program." In Applied Anthropology : An Introduction . South 
Hadley, Mass.: Bergin and Garvey, Publishers, 1986. This article 
is a commentary on how Papago village councils remain vital forces 
today as traditional expressions of consensus-based democracy and 
how they fit into community development programs. 

Wagoner, J.J. "History of the Cattle Industry in Southern Arizona, 
1540-1940." University of Arizona , Social Science Bulletin No . 20 . 
23(April 1952), 1-132. The author covers all aspects of cattle 
raising in southern Arizona including grazing in the National 
Forests. 

"What Hurts Mining in Arizona." The Engineering and Mining Journal . 
45(January 21, 1888), 51. The article complains of fraudulent 
mining claim sales. 



263 



Willis, Charles F. "Mining Opportunities Around Tucson Hold Great 
Promise." Arizona Mining Journal . 6(October 15, 1922), 26-28, 
30-31, 33. The article title explains the optimism for the Amole 
Mining District. 



Books 

Bancroft, Hubert H. History of Arizona and New Mexico . San Francisco: 
The History Co., 1889. Still a standard work on Arizona and New 
Mexico to 1888. 

Barter, G.W. Directory of the City of Tucson for the Year 1881 , 
Containing a Comprehensive List of Inhabitants with Their 
Occupations and Places of Residence ; The Public Officers and Their 
Offices ; with a Review of the Past , A Glance at the Present , and a 
Forecast of the Future of this City ; Together with Other Useful 
Information Concerning the Same . San Francisco: H.S. Crocker & 
Co., 1881. A standard city directory. 

Bartlett, John Russell. Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents 
m Texas , New Mexico , California , Sonora , and Chihuahua , 
Connected with the United States and Mexican Boundary Commission , 
During the Years 1850 , '51 , '52 , and '53 . 2 vols. Chicago: The 
Rio Grande Press, Inc., 1965. Bartlett tells of his experiences while 
head of the U.S. Boundary Commission. 

Bieber, Ralph P. ed. Southern Trails to California [n 1849 . Glendale, 
Calif.: Arthur H. Clark Co., 1937. The diaries of three parties 
that took different southern routes to California. 

Blake, William P. Sketches of Pima County , Arizona : Its Mining Districts , 
Minerals , Climate , Ariculture , and Other Resources . Tucson: 
Chamber of Commerce, 1910. Although Blake was the territorial 
geologist, the book reads like a chamber of commerce tract. Much of 
his history is incorrect. 

Cordell, Linda S. Prehistory of the Southwest . N.Y.: Academic Press, 
1984. This work represents a detailed and definitive treatment of 
the various archeological horizons of the Southwest and the different 
theories that may account for them. 

Cross, Jack L., Elizabeth H. Shaw, and Kathleen Scheifele. eds. 
Arizona : Its People and Resources . Tucson: University of Arizona 
Press, 1960. The work exuberantly views Arizona. 

Dobyns, Henry F. The Papago People . Phoenix: Indian Tribal Series, 
1972. This book is a general history of the Papago people that deals 
mostly with the different types of Euro-American contact to which 
the Papago have had to adjust over the years. 



264 



Dutton, Bertha P. American Indians of the Southwest . Albuquerque: 
University of New Mexico Press, 1983. This work is a very general 
treatment of the history and ethnography of the Indian peoples of 
the Southwest. It is useful for data on the estabishment of Indian 
reservations. 

Gregonis, Linda M. and Karl J. Reinhard. The Hohokam Indians of the 
Tucson Basin . Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1979. These 
authors have written a very readable, general history and 
ethnography of the people we know as the Hohokam from archeology. 

Hamilton, Patrick. The Resources of Arizona : A Description of Its 
Minerals , Farming , Grazing and Timber Lands ; Its Rivers , 
Mountains , Valleys and Plains ; Its Cities , Towns and Mining Camps ; 
Its Climate and Productions ; with Brief Sketches of J_ts Early 
History , Pre-Historic Ruins , Indian Tribes , Spanish Missionaries , 
Past and Present , Etc . , Etc . Prescott, Az.: Under the Authority 
of the Legislature, 1881. Hamilton wrote this propaganda tract at 
the request of the territorial legislature. His pre-Anglo period 
history is incorrect. 

Haury, Emil W. The Hohokam : Desert Farmers and Craftsmen - 
Excavations at Snaketown , 1964-1965 . Tucson: University of 
Arizona Press, 1976. The most distinguished archeologist of the 
Hohokam keenly provides in this work a very detailed description of 
Hohokam pottery and other artifacts. 

Hinton, Richard J. The Handbook of Arizona : Its Resources , History , 
Towns , Mines , Ruins and Scenery . N.Y.: American News Co., 
1878. Hinton makes it seem as if half of the world's mineral 
resources could be found in Arizona. 

History of Arizona Territory Showing Its Resources and Advantages ; with 
Illustrations , Descriptive of j_ts Scenery , Residences , Farms , Mines , 
Mills , Hotels , Business Houses , Schools , Churches , Etc . San 
Francisco: Wallace W. Elliott & Co. , 1884. Arizona was a paradise. 

Kessell, John L. Friars , Soldiers , and Reformers : Hispanic Arizona and 
the Sonora Missions Frontier 1767-1856 . Tucson: University of 
Arizona Press, 1976. Excellent work on the later Spanish and 
Mexican periods in southern Arizona. 

Kroeber, Alfred L. A Roster of Civilizations and Culture . Chicago: 
Aldine Publishing Co., 1962. The author, a distinguished 
anthropologist, provides a summary of Hohokam culture in the 
context of a discussion of world civilizations. 

Lister, Robert H. and Florence C. Lister. Those Who Came Before . 
Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1983. The Listers provide a 
thoughtful and insightful treatment of Southwestern prehistory that 
emphasizes significant changes in man's life during each stage of 
prehistory. 



265 



Lockwood, Frank C. Pioneer Days jn Arizona : From Spanish Occupation 
to Statehood . N.Y.: Macmillan Co., 1932. A factual chronical of 
Arizona history. 

Apaches & Longhorns : The Reminiscences of Will C. Barnes 



Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1982. An interesting account 
of Barnes 1 life. 

McClintock, James H. Arizona : Prehistoric -Aboriginal -Pioneer-Modern . 
3 vols. Chicago: The S.J. Clarke Pub. Co., 1916. A very general 
work. Volume three contains biographies. 

Rowley, William D. U.S. Forest Service Grazing and Rangelands : A 
History . College Station, Texas: Texas A&M University Press, 1985. 
This work is a general history of grazing policy in national forests 
both under the General Land Office (1891-1905) and the Forest 
Service which took over in 1905. Although it does not focus on 
Arizona, it is a good history of the grazing policy in national forests 
with a national focus. 

Safford, A.P.K. The Territory of Arizona : A Brief History and 
Summary of the Territory's Acquisition , Organization , and Mineral , 
Agricultural and Grazing Resources ; Embracing a Review of Its 
Indian Tribes - Their Depredations and Subjugation ; and Showing 'm 
Brief the Present Condition and Prospects of the Territory . 
Tucson: The Arizona Citizen, 1874. This work is a tract extolling 
the virtues of Arizona. 

Smith, Cornelius C. Jr. Tanque Verde : The Story of a Frontier Ranch , 
Tucson , Arizona . Tucson: Published by the Author, 1978. This 
work contains little useful information on the Tanque Verde Ranch. 
Smith lacks knowledge of the history of southern Arizona. 

Sorin, T.R. Hand-book of Tucson and Surroundings Embracing Statistics 
of the Mineral Fields of Southern Arizona . Tucson: Citizen Print, 
1880. The book is better than most written in that era. Sorin, 
however, overstates the importance of mining in the Amole District. 

Spencer, Robert F. and Jesse D. Jennings. The Native Americans . 
N.Y.: Harper and Row, 1977. The authors provide a well-written 
summary of Papago and Pima archeology and ethnography. 

Spicer, Edward H. Cycles of Conquests : The Impact of Spain , Mexico , 
and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest , 1533-1960 . 
Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1962. This book is a classic. 

Steenbergh, Warren F. and Charles H. Lowe. Ecology of the Saguaro : 
H, Reproduction , Germination , Establishment , Growth , and Survival 
of the Young Plant . National Park Service Scientific Monograph 
Series No. 8. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1977. An 
excellent study which details many causes for lack of survival among 
the saguaro not the least of which is freezing. 



266 



The Resources of Arizona : Its Minerals , Farming and Grazing Lands , 
Towns and Mining Camps ; Its Rivers , Mountains , Plains and Mesas ; 
with a Brief Summary of Its Indian Tribes , Early History , Ancient 
Ruins , Climate , Etc . , Etc . No publisher, ca. 1882. Another 
propaganda tract proclaiming the greatness of Arizona. 

The Restoration of La Casa Cordova . Tucson: The Junior League of 
Tucson, Inc., 1978. This study is similar to a National Park Service 
historic structure report. La Casa Cordova is a historic house in 
Tucson. 

Tuck, Frank. History of Mining m Arizona . Phoenix: Arizona 

Department of Mineral Resources, revised 1963. This work is mainly 

a compilation of dates for mining activity by district. It does not 
mention the Amole District. 

Underhill, Ruth M. Social Organization of the Papago Indians . N.Y.: 
Columbia University Press, 1939. The author is the classic 
ethnographer of the Papago. Her work on Papago social organization 
is basic, and very useful, for example, in learning when and for 
what purposes the Papago employ bilateral descent on the one hand 
and patrilineal descent on the other. 

. The Papago Indians of Arizona and Their Relatives the Pima . 

Washington, D.C.: Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1941. This is a 
delightfully written ethnography of the Papago and Pima for the 
general reader. 

Papago Indian Religion . N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 



1946. Underhill should always be consulted when doing work on the 
Papago, especially on their religion for which this description is the 
standard ethnography. 

Waldman, Carl. Atlas of the North American Indian . N.Y.: Facts On 
File Publications, 1985. This is a useful general reference for 
archeology and ethnography that gives the salient points about the 
major movements, historical periods, and cultural groups of the 
native peoples of North America. 



Bulletins 

Anderson, C.A. "Copper." In "Mineral and Water Resources of 
Arizona." Arizona Bureau of Mines Bulletin No . 180 , 1969. A good 
overview of Arizona copper mining. 

Castetter, Edward F. and Ruth M. Underhill. "The Ethnobiology of the 
Papago Indians." University of New Mexico Bulletin , Biological 
Series No . 4, October 1935. This technical book on Papago natural 
resources contains a good introduction to the Papago culture. 



267 



Elsing, Morris J. and Robert E.S. Heineman. "Arizona Metal Production." 
University of Arizona Bulletin No . 140 , Economic Series No . 19 , 
February 15, 1936. The authors list mineral production by county. 
There is a breakdown of production by mine in seven districts. 
Although the Amole District was one of the seven, only production 
for the Gould, Mile Wide, and Old Yuma mines was listed. 

Jenkins, Olaf P. and Eldred D. Wilson. "A Geological Reconnaissance of 
the Tucson and Amole Mountains." University of Arizona Bulletin 
No . 106 , Geological Series No . 2, 1920. The work covers the 
geology of the Tucson Mountains and the kinds of mineral formations 
there. 

"Mineral and Water Resources of Arizona." Arizona Bureau of Mines 
Bulletin No . 180 , 1969. This work contains a good summary of 
mining in Arizona dating from the Spanish period. 

Tenney, J.B. "Second Report on the Mineral Industries of Arizona." 
University of Arizona Bulletin No . 129 , Biennial Review Series No . 
2, July 1, 1930. Tenney presents a geological history of the Tucson 
Mountains and notes that the Mile Wide mine was still active. 

. "The Mineral Industries of Arizona." University of Arizona 

Bulletin No . 125 , Annual Review Series No . \, February 15, 1928. 
The author writes of the geological formation of the Tucson 
Mountains. 



Pamphlets 

"Arizona Ranches, Resorts, Hotels." Compiled and distributed by the 
Valley National Bank. September 1947. A list of places to stay with 
address, occupancy, and cost. 

"General Description of the Mining Districts of Pima County, Arizona." 
Tucson: Commercial Printing Co., January 1932. This pamphlet, 
distributed by the Tucson Chamber of Commerce, assessed the Amole 
and Rincon Mining Districts as very minor ones. 

Knight, Frank P. "Mining in Arizona: Its Past, Its Present, Its 
Future." Phoenix: Arizona Department of Mineral Resources, 
January 1958. Knight gave a brief history of Arizona mining in 
which he dwelled on the larger districts and mines. 

List of Guest Ranches along Southern Pacific Lines and Resort Hotels and 
Ranch Schools in Southern Arizona." September 1, 1947. This 
pamphlet lists accommodations, their location, price, and capacity. 

"The Pima and Santa Cruz Mining Fields." Tucson: The Arizona Citizen, 

May 1907. A brief history of mining in the two counties. Copper 

was said to predominate in the Amole District, but only the Old 
Yuma mine was mentioned. 



268 



"Tucson Vacation Living: Places to Stay, Things to See, Places to Go, 
Outstanding Events." No publisher, 1967. A promotional pamphlet 
which included a list of dude ranches in the area. 

Wilson, Eldred D. "History of Mining in Pima County, Arizona." 
Tucson: Tucson Chamber of Commerce, ca. 1952. A brief history 
of Pima County mining, but factually incorrect on occasion. 



Journals 

Arizona Mining Journal , 1917-1946. 

Army and Navy Journal , 1889-1896. 

The Engineering and Mining Journal , 1885-1940. 

Mining and Scientific Press , 1903. 

Mining Journal (Denver), 1942-1943. 

Typescripts 

Harrsion, Anne E. "The Santa Catalinas: A Description and History." 
Summer 1972. In the Coronado National Forest Headquarters and 
Saguaro National Monument library. This work is a useful history of 
the Santa Catalina Division of Coronado National Forest. 

Jones, Dick. "Old Yuma Mine." September 4, 1980. In the Arizona 
Department of Mineral Resources, Phoenix. A brief history of the 
Old Yuma mine by an individual who held the claim on it at one time. 
It is biased in favor of a miner's viewpoint. 

Stone, Lyle M. "A Description of two Lime Kilns Located in Saguaro 
National Monument, Arizona." Prepared for the National Park 
Service, Western Archeology Center, October 1976. Stone described 
the two kilns in the Rincon Mountain Unit. 

Tagg, Lawrence V. "Aircraft Crashes in the Rincon Mountains." March 
15, 1984. Copy courtesy of the author. Through several sources, 
including the air force, Tagg has pieced together basic information 
on all the air crashes in the Rincon Mountains. 

Tenney, James Brand. "History of Mining in Arizona." 2 vols. 1927-29. 
In the University of Arizona Library Special Collections. An 
excellent study on Arizona mining except for the early period in 
which he credited the Jesuit padres with much influence on mining. 
Tenney presented the Amole Mining District as one of unimportance. 

"Tucson Mountain Park History." no date. In the Saguaro National 
Monument Files. A good general history of the county park. 



269 



Wells, Susan J. "An Archeological Survey of the Camp Pima 

Environmental Study Area." Saguaro NM Tucson Mountain Unit. 
May 1984. In the Western Archeological and Conservation Center, 
Tucson. The author presented a brief history of the camp and 
dwelled mainly on identification of structure sites. 



Technical Report 

Shand, Terry D. and A. Heaton Underhill. "Saguaro National Monument: 
Recreational Use by Visitors, Neighbors, and Organized Groups." 
Technical Report No. 15. Tucson: University of Arizona. May 
1985. The authors sought to determine the amount of horseback 
riding on the monument. They found it to be significant. 



Papers 

Hastings, James R. "Vegetation Change and Arroyo Cutting in 
Southeastern Arizona During the Past Century: An Historical 
Review." Read at the Arid Lands Colloquia, University of Arizona, 
1958-1959. An excellent paper in which the author dispelled the 
traditional beliefs of vegetation as myth. 

Lowe, Charles H. "Life and Death of the Saguaro in Arizona." Extract 
of a paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Institute 
of Biological Science, University of Maryland. August 17, 1966. In 
this paper, Lowe presented the idea that freezing, not bacterial 
disease, was the cause of death in older saguaro. 



Masters' Thesis and Doctoral Dissertations 

Clark, Martin S. "Some Factors Affecting Vegetation Changes on a 
Semidesert Grass-Shrub Cattle Range in Arizona." Doctoral 
dissertation, University of Arizona, 1964. Clark reported on a 
five-year study of the effects of winter, summer, and year-long 
grazing on semidesert cattle range in the Santa Rita Experimental 
Range. Summer grazing proved as destructive as year-round 
grazing. 

Haskell, Horace S. "Effects of Conservative Grazing on a Desert 
Grassland Range as Shown by Vegetational Analysis." Masters' 
thesis, University of Arizona, 1945. The experiment took place on 
an area near Oracle, Arizona. Conservative grazing, of course, 
proved beneficial. 

Lauver, Mary Ellen. "A History of the Use and Management of the Forest 
Lands of Arizona, 1862-1936." Masters' thesis, University of 
Arizona, 1938. This thesis has little value. It is filled with 
generalities and Forest Service propaganda. 



270 



Mark, Albyn K. "Description of and Variables Relating to Ecological 
Change in the History of the Papago Indian Population." Masters' 
thesis, University of Arizona, 1961. This work is useful for detailed 
plant and animal subsistence data of the Papago Indians. 

McAllister, Martin E. "Hohokam Social Organizations: A Reconstruction." 
Masters' thesis, San Diego State University, 1976. Reprinted in 
Arizona Archaeologist 14(1980). The author infers from archeological 
evidence that Hohokam government was highly organized with some 
form of centralized authority. 



Term Papers 

Allen, Donna B. "A Preliminary Survey of Camp Pima, Saguaro National 
Monument West, Tucson, Az." University of Arizona, Historical 
Archaeology Course, May 1979. Contains useful information on that 
CCC camp. 

Copenhaver, Larry. "CCC Camps in Arizona." University of Arizona 
History 216, June 1966. Although there are a few minor errors, the 
author presents some good general information. 

Rozen, Kenneth. "A Brief History of the Manufacture and Use of Lime 
with Special Reference to Two Lime Kilns in Southern Arizona." 
University of Arizona, History/Anthropology course, May 2, 1977. 
The brief history of the manufacture and use of lime has nothing to 
do with Arizona. The two lime kilns are located in the Tucson 
Mountain Unit, but the author merely describes them with no 
historical background. 



271 




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TUCSON MTN UNIT 

HISTORIC BASE MAP 

SAGUARO NATIONAL MONUMENT 

UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR NATIONAL PARK SERVICE 
DSC AUG 1986 1S1- 25001 



*U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE: 19 86-0-7 7 3-038/40015 



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HISTORIC 

SAGUARONATIO 
UNITED STATES DE 

DSC/ AUG 1986/ 15 









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RINCON MTN. UNIT 

HISTORIC BASE MAP 

SAGUARO NATIONAL MONUMENT 

UNITED STATES DEPARTMENT OF THE INTERIOR / NATIONAL PARK SERVICE 

DSC / AUG 1986 / 151-25000 



As the nation's principal conservation agency, the Department of the 
Interior has basic responsibilities to protect and conserve our land and 
water, energy and minerals, fish and wildlife, parks and recreation 
areas, and to ensure the wise use of all these resources. The 
department also has major responsibility for American Indian reservation 
communities and for people who live in island territories under U.S. 
administration. 

Publication services were provided by the graphics staff of the Denver 
Service Center. NPS D-26 December 1986